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The largest connoisseur of wedding rites of the Kagars. Slavic pagan wedding. deployed order. Recommended list of dissertations

The largest connoisseur of wedding rites of the Kagars. Slavic pagan wedding. deployed order. Recommended list of dissertations

28.10.2019

Some forms of Slavic pagan wedding favorably differ from the "classical" medieval Russian wedding in that they more accurately reflect the existing relations between the sexes: in most cases partners themselves, without the help of their parents, find each other; cohabitation possibly before the official ceremony; sometimes the wedding is organized and paid for by the spouses themselves, and not their relatives, etc.

All these facts took place among the pagan Slavs, for example, during the "period of the great migration of peoples", the older generation remained in their historical homeland, and energetic youth mastered new territories and, accordingly, arranged their personal life themselves. Of course, among the Slavs there were also weddings arranged by the relatives of the spouses, with matchmaking, bride shows, etc. However, this kind of weddings were just a special case of the development of events, which for some reason became dominant during the Middle Ages, ossified and now is often presented to us as a model of the morality of our ancestors, different from the ways of meeting and cohabitation of “today's terrible youth”.

In my opinion, modern forms of organization of personal life are not a breakdown of foundations and damage to tradition, but an intuitive appeal to the roots in changed social conditions. Paganism is flexible, what is solid - and what is valuable.

We draw information about the rites of Slavic pagan weddings from a few written messages, data from archaeological excavations (it is known that people of reproductive age were buried in the best, which means wedding dresses with the appropriate inventory), but the richest material gives us oral folk art: fairy tales, songs, sayings that color the scanty chronicle evidence. On the basis of these "three whales", the wedding order proposed below was compiled, which does not imitate what is not in our personal life (for example, smotrin, matchmaking without the consent of the bride and groom), but sacralizes the realities of our time and most closely fits modern life ...

The best time for weddings among the Slavs was considered spring (yara) and part of summer (the period of the growing Sun), in the growing month, however, the following circumstances were taken into account: it was more convenient for farmers to play weddings after the harvest, for warriors - after a victorious campaign, fishermen after a successful fishing season , to pastoralists after calving, that is, during periods of maximum abundance.

It is the same in the present nice wedding, requiring large expenses, copes at any favorable time of the year, when there is money for it.
Currently, one of the most important sacred elements of this celebration has dropped out of the wedding ceremony - the gift of the bride and groom to the guests. Today a wedding is considered successful if the total cost of gifts from guests is approximately equal to the cost of treating them, which is absolutely not traditional.

Both in ancient Slavic and in medieval Russian weddings, the main burden of expenses was borne by the families of the spouses, and the guests (also relatives, but distant ones) not only treated themselves to the bone, but were presented with the groom, the bride and their family members many times during the wedding. Moreover, there was a post-wedding custom of "gifts". After the wedding, the gifts of the guests were evaluated, and the newlyweds, when visiting their relatives, had to make the gift more expensive than the gift itself. On the other hand, from a modern point of view, guests were repeatedly presented with mere trifles: monetary change, handkerchiefs, belts, towels, dolls, etc. Of course, this was not done casually, the bride and the groom's mother did almost all the gifts themselves during the pre-wedding years. In this way, the new “cell of society” not only showed its viability and independence, but, as it were, declared to friends and distant relatives about its desire to join the circle of its people. These were some associations, within which monetary settlements were simplified ("our people - we will count!"), There was mutual assistance, mutual responsibility.

The concept of "our people" is familiar to us, but now the criteria are somewhat blurred: the one whom you consider yours does not always answer you the same, and in the old days gifts and gifts were one of the ways of mutual confirmation of the status of "yours". Today, after taking a walk at a friend's wedding and giving him a worthy gift, we do not consider ourselves obliged to help the young family in the future, but the traditionally celebrated wedding, to which the guest agreed to come, gave and received numerous gifts from the bride and groom during the holiday, attracted the emergence of a kind of mutual debt (mutual assistance). At present, the restoration of this kind of unwritten rules, horizontal ties between people is very important, and a properly done wedding will be one of the steps in the right direction.

Any wedding, ancient, medieval or modern, consists of at least three parts, each of which can include a variety of rituals, the order and type of which will vary depending on different circumstances:

I Pre-wedding (acquaintance, courtship, matchmaking, conspiracy, mating, bath, hen party, filing an application with the registry office, etc.).
II Wedding (at the temple, in the temple, registration at the registry office).
III Rites after the wedding (feast, wedding night, shoes, new clothes, difficult tasks, gifts and gifts, visiting relatives, etc.).

Slavic pagan rites related to the first wedding part are little known to the general public, since they are not systematized, their descriptions are scattered across a large number of sources. Below they will be discussed in more detail. Some difficulty may be represented by the fact that Slavic pre-wedding events, in particular, acquaintance or bringing a couple together, have many ritual options, the choice among which must be made by the spouses themselves, depending on the real state of affairs, that is, for each specific wedding, its own order is made. Careful adherence to paragraphs and links will make it easier to find the right path.

All the songs, sayings and sentences below can be replaced by other folklore texts appropriate to the situation.
The serial number of the source from the list of references (see below) is indicated in brackets, then the page or the serial number of the text.

Part I
I.1. "Frets by the water."
"The Tale of Bygone Years", XII century: "... and the Radimichi and Vyatichi and the North have the same custom ... they converge on games, dancing and ... songs, and that one snatches his wife, whoever consulted with her." This behavior was not licentiousness, but a ritual based on the principle "as the Gods did, so we do." For example, in the folklore of the South Slavs, mythological songs about the marriage of the Sun have been preserved. It steals any girl for itself right from the ritual swing during the festivities on St. George's Day (Yarila Veshniy).

Among the Eastern Slavs, spring-summer youth gatherings took place most often on the high banks of rivers and, according to some sources, were called "frets by the water". The chronicle does not describe in detail how the free choice of partners at the merrymaking took place. But we can learn this from folklore, in particular from songs and fairy tales, in which fateful meetings take place near reservoirs.
There are several options for the development of events, from which it is necessary to choose your own, the most suitable for the real, today's situation of dating the spouses.

Playing out the chosen variant of "dating" partners in the wedding process, of course, is an imitation, but not a lie. But if a couple, having come together and lived in marriage, without asking the consent of their relatives, decides to play a pagan wedding according to the medieval version, imitating matchmaking, a request for the girl's hand from her parents, this will be a lie before the Gods.

Of course, if the parents chose the bride and groom (sometimes this happens), the order of the Slavic wedding should be drawn up in accordance with this non-standard situation today, and it is well known from the numerous descriptions of weddings of the 16th – 20th centuries. We will consider in detail the traditional Slavic methods of free choice of partners and the ritual story of telling the Gods about this event during the wedding.

1) "Get the wreath." Suitable for playing several weddings at the same time. Girls make wreaths (two each) near the reservoir with songs of the corresponding season. Those who want to get married throw their wreaths into the water with the words:
And in the meadows, the girls walked, uh, the girls walked.
The girls walked, picked flowers,
Flowers were collected and wreaths were picked,
They wore wreaths, let them go to the Danube.
Whoever gets my wreath, I will be (13. P. 52, No. 13. With notes. The text is adapted).
Well done, watching what is happening at a distance, throw themselves into the water, take out wreaths and lay them on the heads of their loved ones, who, in turn, crown the guys with their second wreath. From now on, the couple is considered to be brought together. After that, the guy by the right hand escorts the chosen one to the “camp of the bride” or “the camp of the groom” - a specially designated place (tent, fence), if the wedding follows immediately after the engagement; or directly home if the rest of the wedding takes place on a different day. In the latter case, it is very important for the married couple to immediately go home and on this day, not to participate in any other rituals. Further, see section I.2, according to the situation: the option “The couple lives separately at the time of marriage” or the option “The couple lives together at the time of marriage”.

2) "Steal the shirt". Girls in long-sleeved shirts (or in other clothes imitating swan or other wings) run out, waving their sleeves, to the shore of the reservoir, undress (to the best of their courage), fold their clothes in separate heaps and enter the water together, where they frolic in a heap (not blur in different directions!). Fairy tales describe the behavior of girls in the river in the following way: “they are curling up and down”, “splashing, singing songs”, “they began to wash and whitewash” (here “whitening” means washing). At this time, a guy who took a starting position in the bushes, behind a tree, in a hollow, etc., indicated by a sorcerer or sorcerer (in fairy tales - "old grandfather", "Saint Yurai", "Baba Yaga"), secretly steals clothes of the girl he liked and hides again. The girls go ashore, dress and, not paying attention to their friend, who is looking for clothes, “fly away”. The remaining girl recites the sacred text: "Who took my shirt, answer me!" - Silence (three times). "If you are an old person, be my father, if you are small - be my brother, if equal to me - be my betrothed!" ... The good fellow goes out and leads her by the hand to his camp, after which the wedding continues, or directly home (without participating in any other events of this day) to the song:
Ducks swam on the sea, swam, shower, swam. U!
Otkel took a drake,
I scattered all the ducks,
He took one duck to himself.
On the street the girls were walking
Otkel took (name).
He dispersed all the girls,
He took one (name) to himself. (13. P. 95, No. 110; P. 96, No. 111 with notes, the text is adapted).
Further, see section I.2, option “The couple lives together at the time of marriage”.

3) "Samobranka" or "Brave Bride". The girl herself, or with the help of confidants, makes an offer to the guy again near the water (in the spring flood): Water spills over the bologna, the girl is filling herself with the guy ... the fact that it is "punchy").
Or: Water is pouring over the meadow, oh yeah lely, lely, pouring.
Daddy is stuffing his daughter:
You come, come young (name),
You take, take (girl's name)
Take her by the right hand
You were already together,
People have already gotten enough about you. (13. P. 95 No. 110, P. 96 No. 111 with notes, texts adapted).

Engagement with rings with the consent of the parties, then - according to the circumstances, options "A couple lives together" or "A couple lives separately."
For weddings during the warm season, spring-summer songs with marriage symbols are suitable: about brewing beer, about bees, about ducks, goats, guessing riddles given by a partner of the opposite sex, etc.
In the cold season, when swimming is impossible, the following options are used:

4) "I am standing on a stone." A girl stands on a stone by the river (or on a high bank, hummock, hemp, any hill), her friends sing:

And on the stone (the girl's name) stands, to the father of his family (or any relative, friend) he says:
"Take me off the pebble!" Father does not pity her, does not remove a pebble from Bela, walks by the shore.
Early in the morning at Zora, a birdie chirped at the sea, near the sea - a White pebble.
And on the stone (name of the girl) stands, she (name of the dear) says: "Take me off the stone!"
(Darling's name) has a lot of strength, he took his darling off the stone, took him to a tall tower (1. P. 432, no. 578, text adapted).
Actions on the text. The betrothed takes the girl off the stone. Exchange of rings, further according to the circumstances of residence.

5) "Wolf's Wedding". This was the name of the weddings held in January - February, but the wolves began to "play pranks" from the day of Perun, and a number of autumn holidays are called "wolf days" among the Slavs. The groom with the squad, dressed in wolf skins, having previously loudly howled in the distance, flies into the crowd of participants (at the ice hole, the well) and, grabbing the object of his passion, throws it over his shoulder and carries him home. The crowd whistles and throws snowballs and sticks after. The girls sing before and after the abduction:
The white-footed goat walked along the hill,
She teased, she teased the gray wolf:
“Little wolf, gray! I'm not afraid of you
I'm not afraid of you, I'm hiding in a bush. "
And the little goat did not guess what would happen in the morning:
The legs are here, the horns are here, the goat itself is not present.
Red girls walked in the meadows,
They walked in the meadows, sang to the guys.
Teased (bride's name) (groom's name):
"(Name of the groom), I'm not afraid of you, I will hide in the tower."
I did not guess (name of the bride) what would happen in the morning:
There is a ribbon here, a belt here, the girls are not present! (1.P. 458, No. 612).

Interestingly, in ancient India, there were nine ways of getting married, including a "rakshasa" marriage similar to the one described. Such a rude act was considered a marriage (and not illegal cohabitation) with the observance of the minimum ritual actions. For example, in the fairy tale "Snotty Goat", the character of the same name carries away the girl from the porch of her home on her horns, and immediately - on the floor. In the morning, his servants delicately wake up the young woman, standing at the door: "It's not time to sleep, it's time to get up, it's time to take revenge in the upper room, carry dirty linen to the street!" This is a call to perform the "test of the young" ritual, which included various tasks - bringing water with a sieve, sweeping a floor that was deliberately clogged, and so on. It is this episode that allows us to consider the stolen girl as the wife, and not the concubine of the kidnapper. In the same way, we can play a "wolf wedding", that is, a wedding-abduction according to the minimum, and we can also according to the maximum scenario (see below).

Further, the option "The couple lives together at the time of marriage."
I.2. Fees.
Organized two camps (camps, phratries, tents) - the bride and groom. In each camp a table is laid: towels, bread and salt, drink, nuts, sweets, grain, a candle in the grain. Home-baked loaves with ritual songs are desirable (see below). Planted parents are appointed (they do not go to the pagan temple) and travelers (tysyatsky, loafers, steward, boyfriend, matchmaker - retinue accompanying the couple on the way).

Option "The couple lives separately at the time of marriage."
In the camp of the bride.
1) Bachelorette party. Making wreaths by the bride and bridesmaids for the groom, the bride (the most beautiful) and for all the guests. In a Russian medieval wedding, the wreath remained only with the bride as a symbol of "maiden beauty" and was often replaced with a decorated Christmas tree. In ancient times, all participants of the celebration were marked with flowers and wreaths from them, the attire of the bride and groom stood out only with a more magnificent decor, in the conditions of dual faith, the wedding “flower orgy”, the decoration of participants with floral amulets in some local traditions has significantly decreased. In the cold season, feather wreaths decorated with ribbons and other things are possible. Onions and garlic were woven into wreaths as a talisman (15, pp. 141–142).

If the bride before meeting the groom was a virgin or is she at the time of the wedding, and finds it possible to communicate this to the world, then modern pagans cannot fail to note this not obligatory, but gratifying fact in special rituals. For example, before going to the temple and from the temple, the planted father covers such a bride as a specially protected object with an opaque veil, which is removed at the feast by the planted father or the thousand groom (not with his bare hands, but with a whip, arrow, cue). In such cases, the wedding handles in the most magnificent way, the bride is dressed up in all shades of red, praised with glories, endlessly showered with grain, a huge number of chicken dishes are present at the feast.

2) Ablution. Produced by women in any secluded "place of Power": a bathhouse, under a linden, birch, mountain ash, on a stone by the river, etc.

A molded maiden on the throne -
Silk hair, beloved beauty

The legs are silver up to the knee! (4, v. 1. P. 44. Serbia. See below for other options).

3) Combing your hair. Sometimes this ceremony is called "unweaving the braid", but the sacred action here is not so much unweaving as combing with a comb, especially since most modern brides do not have braids. Decorating the bride with a wreath. If desired, ritual coloring, for example, a dot on the forehead or face of the bride among the southern Slavs protected her from the evil eye (15: 125). Sometimes the scratching ritual takes place after the groom arrives and gives the comb to the bride. In this case, after the ablution, the bride is not completely combed and her head is not decorated, saying: "Khola will come and bring a comb ...".

4) Waiting for the groom by the bride. Anxious, with tears and complaints. Married girlfriends console her by “adding oil to the fire”, describe the difficulties of getting used to living together, to new relatives. There is a sign: how many tears you shed before the wedding, so many will not pour out after.

In the camp of the groom.
1) Bachelor party. The groom and his retinue are mentally and physically preparing for the trip to the bride's camp. The parting word of the seasoned under the brother. Steamy hints and jokes.

2) Ablution. It is produced by elderly women in any secluded "place of Power": a bathhouse, under an oak, ash, under the roots of a fallen tree, on a stone by the river, etc.
Grandmother walked from overseas, carried a bucket of health,
This is a little bit, for your wedding - all the bucket! (Spraying and pouring) (4, vol. 3. P. 63).
The fractional rains wash you
The violent winds scratch you! (4, vol. 2. P. 387. For other options see below).

3) Combing your hair.
That not white cheese crumbles in butter,
The apple rolls on a saucer not rosy,
Then (the name of the groom) is going to marry.
His swashka equips,
The Empress vows
Combs curls with a frequent comb.
He punishes him with words:
You will go, (groom's name), to marry,
To the darling red girl,
To her honest parents.
You know how to say a word with people,
To seem like your greatness! (3. Nos. 3-9).

4) Train to the bride's gate. With noise, din, menacing. Perhaps on "horses", that is, saddling each other. Ritual obstacles (locked gates, living "wall" and others). Example: “Suddenly there is a noise and a scream at the gate. Music is playing, horses are laughing, whips are clicking - this is Radoslav's squad for the bride. Girlfriends threw wreaths to weave, stopped singing, dancing, running to the gate. And, as the ancient custom dictates, they drive Radoslav away from the gate. They do not want to give Radunya. The groom's friends outside the gate are singing: "Open the wide gates, we would like to take a look at the bride. Unlock the strong locks. Give the bride to the bridegroom!" And the girlfriends in chorus answered: "Our girl does not want to get married, even if she still looks like in a wreath, her time has not come yet, leave our yard!" Again the friends are singing: "Better open it, or else we will cut the gates to pieces with a sword!" Radunya sits alone in the room. Hears songs and smiles. Knows: the gate is not locked, only locked with a stick. The horse will push its muzzle, and they will open wide. The groom's squad will drive into the courtyard with a shout, with a noise, as if it burst into an enemy castle. And the girlfriends will be alarmed and screech to Raduna. It's time to hand out wreaths here. And they wove wreaths with their girlfriends - do not count! All the walls are hung. The most beautiful is viburnum. Intertwined with gold thread, strewn with silver sequins - for the beloved groom ... Friends run into the room with a song: "We galloped on greyhound horses, we broke the strong gates, bow to the girl from the brave ones: have you woven wreaths for us?" (Polish fairy tale. 16 Pp. 220 ff. Poetic texts in my retelling).

I.3. Difficult tasks for the groom.
a) Find a bride. Breaking into the tent, the groom allegorically demands the delivery of the bride ("martens", "ermine", "heifers"). They answer him, they say, we have a lot of them, choose which one is yours, and they bring out several female persons, covered from head to toe with bedspreads. The groom must find his betrothed three times. It is advisable to hide under bedspreads old and small, so that if the groom makes a mistake, it will be funnier.

b) Riddles. Make the bridesmaids. The bridegroom guesses the guesswork, silently pointing to objects, shows his "knowledge":
You found your betrothed, apparently, your heart prompted, but how are things going with your mind? Let's make a riddle, a girlish overthink:
What is red like the Sun in our bright room? ("Red corner", the goddess with the Churas.)
What is round like a full Moon in our bright room? (Loaf.)
Who are the stars as if frequent in the mansion? (Relatives and bridesmaids.)

I.4. Mutual gifting of the betrothed. An important ritual complex with erotic symbols, from which only scattered fragments remained in a medieval wedding.
a) Giving a comb and other personal care items (mirror, blush) by the groom to the bride under the approving exclamations: "Hola has arrived, brought the comb!" In the future, it is with this comb that the young are combed together. From now on, they must cherish and groom each other.

b) Donating shoes. The groom brings a pair of new shoes to the sitting bride, puts it, wrapped in a towel, on the table with the words:
Do not go barefoot, there is dew in the yard,
Here are new boots on your legs,
Chained heels, under the blush of the heels! (3. No. 91).
The bride accepts the gift with gratitude, gets up, takes it from the table, sits down and changes her shoes herself. Further, in part III, there is mutual inflation. Usually overweight is associated with poverty, but in the old days bare feet were also considered an erotic symbol. The patron saint of earthly love, Yarilo, appeared to be barefoot. Giving shoes to the bride, the groom makes his chosen one richer and claims the rights to her girlish sexuality, which now belongs only to him. At the moment of swinging at the wedding bed, this sexuality appears to the world in all its might.

c) Donating clothes. In the same way and with the same symbolism of the elimination of nudity and poverty, declaring her rights to sexuality and the material situation of a partner by covering her beloved person with handmade amulet clothes, the bride gives the groom a shirt or belt or other object.

I.5. Blessing with loaves and churas. Produced by seated parents, the couple stands with their heads bowed or kneeling.

I.6. Train to the temple. Protective actions of a friend, matchmaker, tysyatsky (clicking a whip, throwing, waving an ax, and others). The parties solemnly carry the loaves of the bride and groom with them.

Option "The couple lives together at the time of the wedding."
This option is also used in weddings of already registered couples, spouses with children. In this case, the spouses are also called "groom" and "bride", since the wedding has not yet been completed in the face of the Gods.
The bride and groom are together in the camp of one or the other, according to the circumstances of their real residence. The entrance to the tent is closed (symbolically possible). The opposite side, for example, the side of the bride, if the couple lives with the groom, goes up to the tent and knocks on the gate with a noise and din. To the questions “What do you need? Who are they?" answers allegorically, for example: "The heifer left our yard, people saw that she came to you and stayed ...". And so three times, for the last time the name and maiden name of the bride is called. The groom's side denies three times. The bride's side starts storming the gate. Then they swing open and the bride comes out (if there are children, then with a child) under the words of her friends, for example:

Make way, honest people, the hero is coming!
She is not alone, carrying a child in her arms (or: the child is leading).
The bride bows low to the representatives of her side and says:
Hello, my dear! There is no (first name and maiden name), I am now (husband's last name). The gods brought us together and blessed us with a son (daughter)! If the woman's surname has not changed, the same idea is conveyed to those who came in different words.

The bride's side asks: “Is there love between you? Have the Gods and Magi blessed you in the temple? " - Corresponding responses of the bride and the approaching groom. The parties agree to play the wedding. Further, joint preparation of the parties for the wedding in the camp of the couple's residence.

1) Ablution.
2) Scratching.
3) Donation of shoes and clothes.
4) Blessing with churas and loaves.
5) Train to the temple.
For a description of these rituals, see above in the version "The couple lives separately at the time of marriage."

Part II. A wedding in a temple
II.1. Passage over the bridge. On the way to the temple, a bridge is built in advance (wooden, stone, in extreme cases - from a spread canvas).
Because of mountains, mountains, high mountains,
Because of the forest, the dark forest
The violent winds flew out,
Fought off the white swan
What is from a flock of swans,
They nailed the white swan
What about geese, gray ducks.
It’s not a swan - the maiden is red,
These are not geese, gray ducks, -
That is the groom with his squad.
The Fire-father was kindled,
Mother Water splashed,
Copper pipes sounded -
Narrowed go and disguised,
They walk across the bridge to the temple,
The road spreads like a tablecloth! (3; Nos. 267, 268).

II.2. Loaf rite. The loaves of the bride and groom are presented to the Magi, and they are cut into halves with the appropriate words. One part of the groom's loaf is folded and tied with half of the bride's loaf and brought to the Gods. The remaining parts are divided between those present right at the temple, or they do it at a feast.

II.3. Oath of the young. After the word of the sorcerer, the young give each other oaths of love and fidelity.

II.4. Betrothal. A matchmaker or bridesmaid brings rings on a platter and towel. The priest's word. Young people wear rings to each other while singing or reciting girls:
Among Svarga, the rings are chained,
In bright Irye they are gilded,
On earth they are judged by a sorcerer.
Who should wear these rings?
Prince of light with a princess,
(Groom's name) with (Bride's name),
(Patronymic of the groom) with (patronymic of the bride) (1; No. 486).
If the exchange of rings took place earlier, during the "Ladies by the Water" ceremony, this point is skipped.

II.5. The laying of crowns on the heads of the bride and groom. The Magus crowns the pair with metal hoops over floral wreaths.
Svarog is coming from the forge,
Svarog carries three hammers,
Svarog the blacksmith, give us a crown!
A marriage bond, handsome and new,
Gold rings for fidelity,
Plus a pin.
To get married in that crown,
Engage yourself with rings,
Stick with another pin! (1; No. 98).

II.6. Theft is bypassed three times. The sorcerer ties the hands of the young with a wedding towel and, taking hold of its ends, leads the couple around the steal.

II.7. Getting up on the towel. The matchmaker spreads a towel on the ground, on which the young stand. The edifying and congratulatory word of the sorcerer. It is possible to impose a yoke on the young during the speech of the sorcerer, as a symbol of friendship, that is, the further path "in one harness", a warning that living together is hard work.
The sequence of actions on the temple can be changed, it is possible to add other rituals.

II.8. Sprinkling young people with grain, poppy seeds, hops at the exit from the temple, under general jubilation.

II.9. Train to the groom's camp (if he has a feast) or to the bride's camp (if she has a feast).

Part III. Post-wedding ceremonies
At each point of this part of the wedding, it is possible to shower the young with grain, poppy seeds, hops, coins, flower petals.

III.1. Meeting young people on the doorstep with bread and honey planted by their parents. Young people do not take a loaf in their hands, but break off a piece and, dipped in honey, eat. They enter the tent first, followed by the seated parents. The loaf of the assistant is taken to the common table. Household blessing.
III.2. An invitation to a feast. Posad. The planted parents first take the young people to the table, put them on the skin with the fur outside, and then loudly invite all the guests and guests three times. Everyone is waiting for a threefold invitation, and then they sit down according to the previously agreed order. The "Posad" rite can be performed earlier, for example, with the blessing of the bride and groom by the planted parents before going to the temple.
III.3. Feast. The young do not eat or drink, they sit erect, hands on their knees, as if frozen and with downcast eyes. This is not "false modesty", but a ritual behavior with the goal of not "splashing" in vain the Grace, the blessing of the Gods, received on the temple during the sacrament of the wedding, necessary for the correct conduct of the ceremony "Wedding bed", after which the young behave at the table more freely ...

a) Ritual exclamations. "Bitterly!" - the guests shout, to which the young answer: "Show the way!", The guests kiss, and behind them the young ones stand up. "Bear in the corner!" - the guests continue to exclaim, the young woman gets up and answers: "(Husband's name) I love you!" and kisses the spouse who has risen.

b) Sitting a child on the bride's lap in order to stimulate childbirth, depending on the desire - a boy or a girl, or both.

c) Carrying out porridge to a song - a hint: it's time for a couple to retire.
The cook cooked porridge,
I moved a whorl,
She put porridge on the table,
She stood against the Prince.
Our porridge went into kolupan,
The prince and the princess hugged,
You are not ashamed Princess,
You lean against the Prince.
And we were young too,
And our hems were folded,
The key was taken out of the ports,
And they unlocked our boxes! (1; p. 641).

d) Pitiyo "shame" or "garlic" (the bride's amulet).
The groom is served a mortar with pestle and embedded garlic, he crushes the garlic, pours it with milk and gives the bride a drink (12, volume 2; p. 289) under the words of the guests:
Sable gallops after marten,
A string, a string,
And how he caught up, crushed under himself!
After that, the young go "to the basement" (marriage bed).
From the moment the couple left, the guests have been singing dirty songs and joking freely.

III.4. Marriage bed. The bride and groom with a matchmaker and boyfriend retire to a specially prepared place under the guests' judgments:
- The young people went to bed, they prayed to the gods,
So that your legs move more in the blanket!
- Lift up the hem, take off your shoes, crest!
- Young, do not be afraid, not an iron nail, it will not pierce through!
- A duck was walking along the alley, a falcon swooped down, the crest ruffled!
- The ice is cracking, the water is oozing, I don't know how to whom, but I want to! (2; p. 310-313.)
- Here a girlfriend went to marry, but they do not take care of married,
They will remake it for a woman and will not give a "thank you"!

a) Chicken. The matchmaker hands the couple a dish with fried (boiled) chicken. Young people break it by the legs, whose piece is larger, the one in the family is big.

b) "Warm the bed." While the bride and groom are eating chicken, the matchmaker and boyfriend “warm the bed”, that is, lie on it, and then go out, taking away the remains of the meal, but remain nearby to “guard” the young. Intimacy is not required in the ritual, since in many local traditions it is prohibited for three nights, while in others it is mandatory.

III.5. "The wake of the young." After a while, the matchmaker and boyfriend knock young under the call:
It's not time to sleep, it's time to get up, it's time to take revenge in the room, to carry dirty linen to the street.
The young go out. The husband is asked the question: Did you break the ice, or did it fall into the hole? He answers according to the circumstances not of the given moment, but of the personal history of acquaintance.

a) Beating pots (if the action takes place in nature, it is worth preparing a stone in advance: breaking a pot on the ground is tricky), with sentences: how many pieces, as many sons, how many fragments, as many children!
b) If possible - shooting (salute).
c) Difficult tasks. Ask the bride if she lives with her husband, or to the husband if he lives with his wife. This can be bringing water from the river in a sieve, sweeping garbage mixed with money that needs to be collected, and others. This ceremony can be timed to coincide with the end of the feast.
The matchmaker and the boyfriend bring the couple to the table amid general jubilation.

III.6. Combing young and new young. Young people are seated at the table on a skin and covered from guests with a stretched towel or cloth. Wedding crowns and wreaths are removed from them, and two women, a matchmaker and a godmother are combing the young under sentences:

Get used, our (wife's name), to the mind-mind (husband's name), to custom, to family.
Already you are Russes, Russes of a kudertsa, you adhere to a white face,
Stick to your face, get used to the crown.
Get used, (the name of the husband), to the mind-mind (the name of the wife), to the custom, to the family (3; №№ 131, 138).
When the scratching is over, which the guests will know at the end of the above song, the guests sing to the matchmaker, who continues the ceremony behind the curtain:
Matchmaker-turnip, wind tight! - I’m not a turnip, I’ll cry hard!
Matchmaker grouse, wind up now! - I’m not a grunt, I’m povyu now!
Matchmaker bl..ka, scratch smoothly! - I'm not bl..ka, I scratch smoothly!
Matchmakers answer:
I have grown a young girl, I have become like a toy, but I will not show you!
I combed the young one, you have not seen this, but I will not show you!
Do not give gold, we will not show the young! Guests give a ransom, the young are shown (2; p. 308).
The crowns are carried away on towels to the temple, and the wreaths of flowers remain with the young and they are treated differently: they are kept on the shrine as a talisman (they can heal future children) or at the end of the wedding they are thrown over the back into a crowd of single youth, “on whom God will send ”- whoever catches, he will soon marry.

III.7. "May you live happily ever after". After the war, the matchmaker or boyfriend, standing behind the backs of the young people sitting at the table, hugging them by the shoulders, says:
The gods brought them together at a single table,
The gods told them to eat one bread and salt,
The gods told them to speak one speech! (2; p. 305).
And bangs ("combines") young heads against each other with the words: Advice and love!

III.8. A feast by the mountain. Continuation of the feast, now the young people eat, drink and talk with the guests.
a) Gifts to the young. Guests present young people with authentic wedding gifts under the corresponding comments, for example: I give beer to live beautifully; I give a bunny so that the kids are led; other gifts follow (see below for a list of authentic gifts).
b) Tsmok (Snake). In the midst of the feast, the disguised "Tsmok" appears, who begins to hug, pour alcohol and "speak his teeth" to the young, while making ambiguous hints of the young. His goal is to survive the young from his place and sit next to his wife. If the husband himself does not cope with the task, the insolent Tsmok is chased by the boyfriend or the entire side of the groom. Guests observe the behavior of young people (both husband and wife), draw conclusions and discuss the predictions of their life together.
c) Ritual battles (“did you order a fight?”). Based on the results, they judge which side to expect a new wedding.
d) Riding around the benches (before they break) at the end of the feast accompanied by dashing songs.

III.9. Gifts. Within six months, young people visit each guest with gifts.
III.10. In the first year of marriage - the obligatory celebration of the young at Shrovetide - the "Gunpowder on the lips" rite. All newlywed couples come out in a circle and under the exclamations of the rest of the participants: "Gunpowder on your lips!", "Show how you love!" etc. - the newlyweds kiss and hug ("wash the gunpowder"). The rite stimulates the producing forces of Nature.

Additional texts to the rites
Loaf
The song accompanies the actions that are well described in the Polish fairy tale: “... aunt Radunya with her loaf assistants kneads a loaf. They knead the dough, and they themselves dance, sing songs, laugh, joke. Therefore, there is a sign: if I cheerfully loaf in the dough, if I joyfully loaf in the oven, the whole life of the young will pass away in joy and fun ”(16; p. 224).
Valyu, currency, cheese loaf, from right hand to left,
From left hand to right, along a golden tray,
On a gold tray, on a silver saucer.
The loaf climbed onto the bench.
The loaf went around the shop
Loaf climbed on the stove,
Loaf from the stove of tears
Loaf sat on a shovel,
The loaf is looking into the stove!
Pekis, pekis, cheese loaf,
Fight, fight, cheese loaf,
Higher than Dubov's oak,
Wider than a stone oven! (2; p. 285, 286).

Washing the bride
The baenka has melted,
The stove is hot
Spring water has warmed up
Silk brooms steamed! (2; p. 279)

Soared, soared, hit with a broom,
The bathhouse, the bathhouse will steam up, and the groom will nag you (2; p. 280).

You did not bathe in the bath for long, but you made a lot of yourself with yourself,
Yes, and washed away from herself, girl, from herself her girlish will! (3; No. 483).

The bathhouse is white, the bathhouse is white, the bathhouse has a white ceiling.
She stood near the stove, hovered her crest.

Oh, wash, bite, wash, bite,
Soon, you will be given a piece of meat (8; p. 147).

For the groom's fees (actions according to the text)
Oh early, early (the name of the groom) got up,
I got up early, lit three candles,
I lit the first, as I washed,
I fired up a friend like a shoe,
I lit the third,
As I went out into the yard,
He went out into the yard, saddled horses,
I went out for a red girl (6; p. 368–369).

Washing the groom. The same songs can be performed as in the female rite, but the situations altered accordingly (and vice versa):
Vir, vir, vir, silver Voditsa,
There is a throne-capital on Vodice,
A good fellow in the capital -
Silk curls, shoulders, fists strong
Golden hands on ramen (forearms),
The legs are silver up to the knee! (4, v. 1; p. 44. Serbia).

Riddles
The representatives of the groom's side guess:
It grew, it grew, but it grew, it got out of the pants,
From the end it got prickly, it was useful to people. (Corn.)
The furry hangs, smooth in the fur, and sweet in the smooth. (Hazelnut.)

Conspiracy to protect the place of arrangement of the marriage bed
I will cut it out, I will cut out the distant arrows,
I shoot black thoughts, other people's thoughts
From this place to the swamps, shifting, on the black mud,
Neither the evil eye nor the lesson should come to this place!
There is no name like a nameless finger
So the adversaries will have neither the strength nor the time
To come here, to harm business.
Key and lock to my words.

Glorifying a lot of a walked groom and a beautiful bride
Overkill, Month, overkill!
I went through all the Stars,
I chose one Star,
Even though she is small
Yes, the clearest,
Between all the little stars! (4, vol. 1; p. 41).

Glorification to the groom or single guy (possibly playing out the plot)
Do not overflow, my quiet Danube,
Don't drown your green meadows!
A deer walks in those meadows
A deer walks - golden horns;
A daring fellow drives by here.
- I'll shoot thee, deer, with a gun!
- Do not hit, do not shoot, daring fellow,
At some time I will burn for you:
You will get married, I will come to the wedding,
I will light up the new canopy with horns,
I will dance myself in the new room,
I will cheer all the guests, your bride more than all. (10; p. 191, No. 331). "Deer" is dancing with a candlestick with lighted candles on its head.

The ending of any glorification to the groom
We sing a song to the prince
We give honor to the Prince!
Give us a gift -
Sweet gingerbread, white, sugar! (10; p. 62, No. 116).

Authentic wedding gifts (with marriage symbols)
Containers with a lock, locked with a key (chests, boxes, boxes, suitcases, etc.) (12, volume 2; p. 209).
An apple studded with coins (12, volume 2; p. 164).
Beer, any intoxicating drinks.
Bulls, cows, goats, rabbits - live or images.
Scattering of small items (money, nuts, peas, grain, candy, jewelry, seeds).
Dolls - “so that the children are led” (15; pp. 27–31).
A spoon or two linked spoons, or a set of spoons (without knives and forks) (15; p. 130).
Amulets made of bunches of onions and garlic (15; p. 141-142).

Ritual treats
All meals should be sweet or savory.
A lot of chicken dishes (boiled, fried, chicken noodles, kurnik pie) - provided the bride is virgin before meeting the groom - and manipulations with these dishes (spinning, fortune-telling when breaking, tossing, throwing over the shoulder, etc.) ). Otherwise, there are much fewer such dishes and they are not the "center" of rituals.
Porridge made from archaic products (peas, millet, lentils).
Baking with symbols of abundance (animals, plants, tools).
Traditional intoxicating drinks.
Large and multi-component vegetables and fruits (watermelons, pumpkins, bunches of grapes, bananas, bunches of sweet peppers and onions, tomatoes and berries on the branches). To opponents of tomatoes and bananas, I emphasize the importance of abundance, and not specific types of vegetables and fruits. "Peas and turnips are an enviable thing" wedding table with dishes made from them is typical for the first centuries of our era, but we live in the 21st century, and we emphasize the idea of \u200b\u200babundance with what we have at the moment.

Literature
1. Ritual poetry. M., 1989.
2. Shangina I. Russian girls. S-Pb., 2007.
3. The lyrics of the Russian wedding. L., 1973.
4. Afanasyev AN Poetic views of the Slavs on nature, in three volumes. M., 1995.
5. Zabylin M. Russian people, its customs, rituals, traditions, superstitions and poetry. M., 1992. Reprint 1880.
6. Russian folklore. Materials and research. Volume XXX. S-Pb., 1999.
7. Russian folklore. Materials and research. Volume XXXI. S-Pb., 2001.
8. Russian family ritual folklore of Siberia and the Far East. Volume 22. Novosibirsk, 2002.
9. Slavic mythology. Encyclopedic Dictionary. M., 2002.
10. Once upon a time. Russian ritual poetry. S-Pb., 1998.
11. Kon I. The taste of the forbidden fruit. M., 1991.
12. U.I.Ragovitch. Falklore songs Palessya. Volume 2. Vaselle. Minsk 2002.
13. Smolensk collection of music and ethnography. Volume 1. Calendar rituals and songs. M., 2003.
14. Ritual poetry. M., 1997. In two books.
15. Slavic antiquities. Ethnolinguistic Dictionary, ed. Tolstoy N.I. Volume 3.M., 2004.
16. Fairy tales of the peoples of the world. M., 1987.

From the book of E. Kagarov "Composition and origin of wedding rituals":
Matchmaking, matchmakers, wedding - the root of SVA on behalf of the ancient Slavic God Svarog. The power of Svarog is the power of connection, creation, creation of different parts into a single whole.
Wedding towel - a towel, sewn from two halves, when one of the spouses died, the towel was torn at the seam and half was placed in the domina (coffin).

A wedding is the oldest folk rite, serving to unite two clan families in the person of a man from one clan and a woman from another, in order to continue life on earth and the work of their ancestors. The wedding is the Great Requirement for All God, performed in his turn by each of the Russian clan, the Slavic tribe, who is in good health in soul and body.

As wise people say: “A Slav’s wife doesn’t take the same that a Slavic wife doesn’t give birth to children, it’s the same that the work of the Ancestors doesn’t continue, it’s equal to blaspheme against the Gods of the Native! Your path s-It is right to torment, the same as believing the earthly clans to last. "

The wedding, along with the introduction to the Rod, the birth and burial from time immemorial, was revered by our ancestors and is revered today as the most important event in the life of Kolo of a person. In this regard, the Wedding does not belong to intra-family or personal events, but to the general-Family festivities. Indeed, indeed, this action is not only a private affair of young and close relatives, but of the entire Clan of the earth, the Clan of Heaven and the Clan of the Almighty Almighty. This is a deliberate and serious step on the path of life to the Glory of the Gods and the benefit to people.

What is every branch from the trunk,
What is every trunk from the root,
So is every kind of earthly kind from the kind of heaven.
It was, it is, and it will be.

Let us, Friends, tread our Path, as our ancestors did, as we were commanded to do.

To play a wedding, do not put on shoes

A wedding in the life of the Russian people is one of the main events of the family structure. For a long time, the wedding is accompanied by a series of consecutive rituals. Departure from these rituals, according to popular belief, entails unpleasant consequences.
Due to the substitution of values \u200b\u200band the severing of ties with the Primordial Tradition, wedding ceremonies are not observed in our time. Only in some regions of Southern Siberia, in Tomsk, in Mordovia, some elements of the wedding household rituals have been preserved. For example, the description of S.I. Gulyaeva is one of the earliest and is an almost complete record of a Russian Siberian wedding.

A folk wedding is a “legal act of everyday life,” therefore, in villages, newlyweds who did not celebrate a wedding were often not considered husband and wife. The whole Community took part in the celebration of the wedding and in its preparation. In the public consciousness of the villagers, in the consciousness of the community, the new established relationship between a man and a woman was legally consolidated by the celebration of the Wedding. The wedding legalized the civil status and economic relations of the two clans and established family ties between them.
The wedding was divided into several ritual actions: matchmaking, bride show, hand-marriage, betrothal, "great week", bachelorette party, wedding ceremony, wedding feast.

It all started with matchmaking. Friends and elder brothers of the groom came to the bride's house in order to find out whether their groom would be pleasing to the bride's house and whether it was worth sending real matchmakers. All this happened in a comic form, using a variety of sentences and persuasions:
We have a merchant, a daring fellow.
Our merchant buys not sables and martens, but red girls.

If the bride's parents were not against the proposed groom, then a small meal was arranged, at the end of which the day of Smotrin was appointed. Thus, matchmaking was not the rite at which it was decided whether to be a wedding or not.

At the bridegroom, the main thing was to find out the economic well-being of the two genera and see the bride. Real matchmakers (the groom's parents) came to the bride. The bride went out to the matchmakers: she was examined and introduced. After Smotrin, the bride's relatives went to “look at the place” (the groom's household). Sometimes they even asked neighbors about the prosperity of future relatives. The bride was also not the last ceremony at which the decision was made about the wedding itself. After the Smotrin, the Day of Handwriting was appointed.

According to the established tradition, the Handling took place in the bride's house, where important issues were resolved: the bride's dowry was discussed, “laying” - the amount that the groom had to pay for the bride to her parents. This meeting also determined what gifts the bride's side should give to the groom's parents and shared the costs of the wedding. If the parties came to a general agreement, then the Handicap was committed. The handshake was attended by close and distant relatives of the bride and groom. A treat was arranged. The rite of arms received wide publicity. After the handshake, the day of the Betrothal was appointed.

The betrothal took place in a cult place: the Temple, the Temple, the Sacred Grove, cult stones and other places of universal worship. The ceremony was conducted by a priest: Priest, Magus, or the Supreme Leader of the community. At the engagement, the day of the Wedding Rite was appointed, after which the "great week" began.

The "Great Week" could last long enough, but no more than two months, and ended seven days before the wedding day. During the "great week", the bride said goodbye to her neighbors, the community, and all the places dear to her. She went to the churchyard, asked for forgiveness from her dead relatives; walked around the village with her friends, inviting guests to a "tearful wedding"; after which she called a bachelorette party.
At the Bachelorette Party, the bride said goodbye to the "divine beauty" - a symbol of girlhood. This ceremony marked the end of a girl's life and preparation for a new life path in marriage. The main action at the bachelorette party was the unweaving of the braids. Unlike married women, girls in Russia wore braids. The unweaving of the braid indicated an imminent change in life, in which she would turn from a bride to a married woman (sluzh), a mother.

The groom, for his part, also walked through his village, inviting guests to a "merry wedding." He arranged bachelor gatherings with songs and dances, saying goodbye to bachelor friends and a valiant life.

The ceremony of giving the bride to the groom took place in a solemn atmosphere and in the presence of a large crowd of people.
The bridesmaids arranged a buffoonery: the ransom of the bride. In the buffoonery, the main characters were Druzhka (friend of the groom) and Ponevestitsa (girlfriend of the bride). Sometimes a “dressed-up bride”, usually a dressed-up man, was taken out, but after an agreement, a real bride, dressed for the Wedding Rite, was brought out. The bride and groom were necessarily taken out by the father and mother or the named parents (later god and godmother), holding both hands, and passed into the hands of the groom (from hand to hand). The bride's parents blessed the newlyweds for a long married life, and the “wedding train” went to the Temple for the wedding ceremony (in the days of Christianity, to the church for the wedding).

On the Temples, the Priests performed a Rite, in which they invoked the Forces of the Gods (nature) and glorified them in order to bind the two clans into one and continue life on earth by giving birth to children, prolonging the Tradition of fathers and grandfathers. During the Rite, the Priest binds the groom's shuitsu (left) hand and the bride's right hand (right) hand with a family wedding towel, and only after that the Priest loudly declares the bride and groom to be honest husband and wife. Having completed the Wedding Rite, the young, accompanied by guests and relatives, continue their journey and go to the groom's house for a wedding feast.

In the groom's house, the groom's parents greeted the young at the porch: bread and salt (the groom's mother) and a god's cup (the groom's father). Bowing to their parents and accepting from them a treat and parting words for family life, the young followed to the wedding table.
Before the start of the feast there was a ceremony of "wrapping" the young. The rounding up consisted in the fact that the matchmaker's bride's hair, which had been untwisted the day before, was braided into two braids and put on a "babya kiku" - a headdress married woman... The largest connoisseur of wedding ceremonies, E. Kagarov, described this rite as "the act of accepting a newlywed into a sex and age group of married women."

After the round, the guests were invited to the tables, and the feast began. The first three slavs (toasts) were raised traditionally: To the Glory of the Native Gods, to the Glory of the Ancestors of the saints, to the Glory of the young. After the third toast, they shouted for the first time "Bitter!"
After a while, the young were taken to a specially prepared bedroom and left there until morning. The guests continued to walk and celebrate the wedding. In the morning of the next day, the young were woken up and taken to the bathhouse. This morning there were many jokes, comic scenes: the young woman was forced to carry water, to revenge the fragments of broken dishes, into which money was thrown. In the following days, the young went to visit their relatives, who had small festivities.

During the celebration of the wedding, many different protective and producing rituals were also performed. Such rituals also ensured the safety of entering into married life, and protected young spouses from otherworldly hostile forces, and ensured childbearing, as well as prosperity and wealth in the house. Part of the rituals was aimed at strengthening the love of the newlyweds.
Wedding ceremonies have always been accompanied by choral or solo accompaniment of traditional songs, lamentations, and sentences. At the same time, lamentation necessitated the execution of the song, the song, in turn, determined the execution of the sentence. The verdicts were mainly executed by the Ponevestitsa, although matchmakers and matchmakers could take part in this action. This was the course of the Slavic wedding: its spiritual, economic, legal and everyday significance.

Many people today attach great importance to wedding ceremonies and, if possible, include elements of the Primordial Tradition of their ancestors in the celebration. This helps to build family relationships, establish a life and housekeeping. Our ancestors very carefully and seriously approached the arrangement of the family, and today we can use this experience, proven for centuries.
To all who wish to unite their hearts, their families, I sincerely wish you happiness and harmony. But before you celebrate such a great event, remember how our ancestors did it, try to include ancient rituals in the celebration of your wedding and believe: this day will be filled with unforgettable moments and fun.

As wise people say: “A Slav’s wife doesn’t take the same thing that a Slavic wife don’t give birth to children, it’s the same that the work of the Ancestors doesn’t continue, it’s the same as blaspheming the Gods of the Native! Doing the opposite is equal to dropping grains into arable land, equal to that your Path is right to be right, equal to trusting earthly generations to last. "

What is every branch from the trunk,
What is every trunk from the root,
So is every kind of earthly kind from the kind of heaven.
It was, it is, and it will be.

Let us, Friends, tread our Path, as our ancestors did, as we were commanded to do.

To play a wedding, do not put on shoes

Due to the substitution of values \u200b\u200band the severing of ties with the Primordial Tradition, wedding ceremonies are not observed in our time. Only in some regions of Southern Siberia, in Tomsk, in Mordovia, some elements of the wedding household rituals have been preserved. For example, the description of S.I. Gulyaeva is one of the earliest and is an almost complete record of a Russian Siberian wedding.

A folk wedding is a “legal act of everyday life”, therefore, in villages, newlyweds who did not celebrate a wedding were often not considered husband and wife. The whole Community took part in the celebration of the wedding and in its preparation. In the public consciousness of the villagers, in the consciousness of the community, the new established relationship between a man and a woman was legally consolidated by the celebration of the Wedding. The wedding legalized the civil status and economic relations of the two clans and established family ties between them.

The wedding was divided into several ritual actions: matchmaking, bride show, hand-marriage, betrothal, "great week", bachelorette party, wedding ceremony, wedding feast.

We have a merchant, a daring fellow.
Our merchant buys not sables and martens, but red girls.

At the Bachelorette Party, the bride said goodbye to the "divine beauty" - a symbol of girlhood. This ceremony marked the end of a girl's life and preparation for a new life path in marriage. The main action at the bachelorette party was the unweaving of the braids. Unlike married women, girls in Russia wore braids. The unweaving of the braid indicated an imminent change in life, in which she would turn from a bride to a married woman (sluzh), a mother.
The groom, for his part, also walked through his village, inviting guests to a "merry wedding." He arranged bachelor gatherings with songs and dances, saying goodbye to bachelor friends and a valiant life.

And then the long-awaited day came. The "wedding train" with the groom and his friends arrived at the bride's house. On this day, many small rituals took place, following in a certain order one after the other.
The ceremony of giving the bride to the groom took place in a solemn atmosphere and in the presence of a large crowd of people.

The bridesmaids arranged a buffoonery: the ransom of the bride. In the buffoonery, the main characters were Druzhka (friend of the groom) and Ponevestitsa (girlfriend of the bride). Sometimes a “dressed-up bride”, usually a dressed-up man, was taken out, but after an agreement, a real bride, dressed for the Wedding Rite, was brought out. The bride and groom were necessarily taken out by the father and mother or the named parents (later god and godmother), holding both hands, and passed into the hands of the groom (from hand to hand). The bride's parents blessed the newlyweds for a long married life, and the “wedding train” went to the Temple for the wedding ceremony (in the days of Christianity, to the church for the wedding).

Before the start of the feast there was a ceremony of "wrapping" the young. The rounding up consisted in the fact that the matchmaker's bride's hair, which had been untwisted the day before, was braided into two braids and put on the "babya kiku" - the headdress of a married woman. The largest connoisseur of wedding ceremonies, E. Kagarov, described this rite as "the act of accepting a newlywed into a sex and age group of married women."

After a while, the young were taken to a specially prepared bedroom and left there until morning. The guests continued to walk and celebrate the wedding. In the morning of the next day, the young were woken up and taken to the bathhouse. This morning there were many jokes, comic scenes: the young woman was forced to carry water, to revenge the fragments of broken dishes, into which money was thrown. In the following days, the young went to visit their relatives, who had small festivities.

During the wedding celebration, many different protective and producing rites were also performed. Such rituals also ensured the safety of entering into married life, and protected young spouses from otherworldly hostile forces, and ensured childbearing, as well as prosperity and wealth in the house. Part of the rituals was aimed at strengthening the love of the newlyweds.
Wedding ceremonies have always been accompanied by choral or solo accompaniment of traditional songs, lamentations, and sentences. At the same time, lamentation necessitated the execution of the song, the song, in turn, determined the execution of the sentence. The verdicts were mainly executed by the Ponevestitsa, although matchmakers and matchmakers could take part in this action. This was the course of the Slavic wedding: its spiritual, economic, legal and everyday significance.

Many people today attach great importance to wedding ceremonies and, if possible, include elements of the Primordial Tradition of their ancestors in the celebration. This helps to build family relationships, to improve the way of life and to manage the household. Our ancestors very carefully and seriously approached the arrangement of the family, and today we can use this experience, proven for centuries.
To all who wish to unite their hearts, their families, I sincerely wish you happiness and harmony. But before you celebrate such a great event, remember how our ancestors did it, try to include ancient rituals in the celebration of your wedding and believe: this day will be filled with unforgettable moments and fun.

May you live happily ever after!

Bowing, Wailing Priest Rodobor (Boruta)

From the book of E. Kagarov " Composition and origin of wedding rituals»:
Matchmaking, matchmakers, wedding - the root of SVA on behalf of the ancient Slavic God Svarog. The power of Svarog is the power of connection, creation, creation of different parts into a single whole.
A wedding towel is a towel sewn from two halves, when one of the spouses died, the towel was torn at the seam and half was placed in the domina (coffin).

FOREWORD

For a number of years, the staff of the Petrozavodsk Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR carried out a monographic study of the oral song and poetry culture of fishermen-pomors of one of the typical northern regions of the ancient Pomor (Novgorod) settlement - the Tersk coast of the White Sea. (According to the existing administrative division - Tersky district of the Murmansk region).
The Tersky coast is the southern forested coast of the Kola Peninsula. In the XI-XII centuries, the region became part of the lands of the Lord of Veliky Novgorod. The past of the Tersk coast has been insufficiently studied and is still waiting for its historian.

Local residents from time immemorial were engaged in fishing for salmon in river estuaries and along the seashore, herring, and in the 19th century - a seal in the throat of the White Sea. Salmon created the wealth and fame of this region and still determines the existence of Terek villages. A relatively small population (before the revolution about 5 thousand people, and now it has significantly increased due to the growth of the industrial village of Lesnoy and the organization of logging). changed little and therefore steadfastly preserved the ancient household and artistic traditions. Along with this, many new trends (for example, romance art at the end of the last century) also penetrated from neighboring Arkhangelsk to the Tersk coast, so this land, for all its isolation, was not a "bear's corner". The folklore of the Terek coast has been studied relatively little so far. At the turn of the century, folklore collectors A.V. Markov, A.L. Maslov, and B.A. Bogoslovsky visited this place in search of an epic. In Soviet times, N.P. Kolpakova worked here, and she published a small fictionalized essay on the Tersk coast.
Our institute organized a number of expeditions to the Tersk coast. As a result of the work done, the present collection is offered to the reader's attention, a collection of songs and a collection of prose folklore genres ("tales of the Tersk coast of the White Sea") are being prepared.
We begin the publication of the collected materials with a description of the wedding ceremony, because the Russian wedding, the interest in which is great all over the world, is still extremely poorly studied. In addition, the wedding songs of the Tersk Coast, which are often unique, are distinguished by high poetic perfection and richness of the musical structure.

Numerous descriptions of the wedding ceremony, more or less accurate, with more or less song lyrics, scattered across individual folklore publications, as a rule, are not accompanied by musical notes of chants, which almost completely devalues \u200b\u200bthem, and the purely ethnographic side of most such publications needs to be checked. and clarifications.
Difficulties are also increasing because it is impossible to speak about a single, "conventionally Russian" wedding ceremony in a strictly scientific sense. NP Kolpakova, who undertook a study of the wedding ceremony in Pinega in the 1920s, after a detailed study of the peculiarities of the rite and its variations in the Sursko-Karpogorsky district alone, not to mention the neighboring, Pinezhsky, it is impossible to speak of an integral, single wedding ceremony even in the Pinezhsky district, not to mention, of course, the entire Arkhangelsk province, in terms of research work. The folded material of the districts, obviously, does not give the rite of the province. Undoubtedly, such moments as matchmaking, conspiracy, bachelorette party, wedding, it is possible to unite not only individual counties, but, probably, with certain reservations, and entire nationalities, but the material collected in detail even in one close area clearly shows all the impossibility of giving a consolidated version on the basis of one external uniformity in the alternation of moments of the rite ”. In the future, N.P. Kolpakova analyzes the rather numerous records of the wedding ceremony of the Arkhangelsk province and shows that, since they were made by different people, in different places and in different time, with different methods and degrees of completeness of recording, it is also almost impossible to use them to construct a plausible historical perspective for the development of a northern wedding. We add that all this reasoning does not yet touch upon the main thing - the musical element of the wedding. There are almost no records of the wedding ceremony with the notes of the songs in the publications.

It is possible to point to only two experiences of recording and publishing a complete wedding ceremony with tunes, with notes of wedding songs and lamentations. This is a collection of O. Kh. Agreneva-Slavyanskaya and "The Don Wedding" by A. M. Listopadov. Both of these publications no longer meet the requirements of modern science.
Thus, until now, we, in essence, do not have publications of the entire rite of the Russian wedding - a description of the rite, lyrics and tunes to them - recorded in one place and from the same persons. Therefore, the undertaken publication of the Russian wedding ceremony of the Pomors of the Tersk Coast with all the songs of the wedding cycle and the musical decoding of the tunes to them is a rather important and timely task. Moreover, even in the Far North, the traditional wedding ceremony is almost a thing of the past.
Collectors A. V. Markov, A. L. Maslov and B. A. Bogoslovsky, who visited the Tersk coast in 1901, paid attention mainly to the remnants of the epic tradition. Therefore, the discovery here sixty years later of the richest song culture with the almost complete disappearance of the epic tradition was a happy surprise for us.

A.V. Markov. A. L. Maslov and B. A. Bogoslovsky wrote that the main place in the wedding ceremony of the Tersk coast is given to lamentations (appendages). We found the exact opposite picture. Crying is almost entirely gone from the memory of even the oldest generation. Not a single cry of those that once accompanied the bride and "cried" for her and with her has survived.2 But on the other hand, there are still a lot of wedding songs in the villages of the district, and in Varzuga, which is still a recognized center of the folk culture of the region, it was possible to restore and record with the maximum possible completeness the entire wedding ceremony in the form in which it was performed in the 1920-1930s, and partially even later, in the late 1940s and early 1950s. For comparison, there is also an example of a modern wedding in Varzuga (played at the beginning of 1964), which still retains much of the "canonical" old wedding ceremony.

In addition to an exceptional set of wedding songs in terms of both quantity and quality, the Terek wedding tradition has preserved many interesting ethnographic moments associated with remnants of deep antiquity, with magic and historical and legal rites of antiquity. Partly the magical elements of the rite are perceived by the Terchans precisely as magical (this mainly concerns protective magic: amulets against damage, "evil eye", witchcraft, etc.), partly the remnants of ancient magic are preserved in the form of traditional actions that exist only because "so received". Without delving into this problem (we refer the reader to special works, in particular to the article by E. G. Kagarov: "The composition and origin of wedding rituals"), we list some curious wedding customs of Terchan.
The group of protective ceremonies (E.G. Kagarov divides them into disgusting, deceiving, hiding and avoiding) should include: allegorical conversation during matchmaking, the prohibition to go behind the mother ("otherwise they will not give it back"), the indispensable exit of a friend with a lantern, at least it was also light (the lantern replaced the torch that repelled evil forces), shooting from around the corners during the movement of the wedding train (for the same purpose), sticking needles into the hem of the bride, covering the bride with a shawl, placing the groom with the bride in the middle of the train, abstaining from them from food at the wedding table, the prohibition of touching the threshold, and so on.
The group of incentive rituals (fertilizing, connecting the young woman with the husband's house, separating her from the spirits of her home, initiating her into the cult of the groom's spirits, propitious for the same spirits of the groom and cleansing after the wedding night) should include: washing in the bath in the morning of the wedding day , shedding grain on the young (on the Tersk coast, instead of the usual bread - rye or wheat - due to the absence of these grains, as residents said, they showered the young with cereals or salt. However, salt is also one of the ancient magical substances that promote fertility and health). Apparently, this group of rituals includes a gift loaf of bread and salt brought to the house of the young, pancakes at the mother-in-law's rituals following the wedding day, the mention of a goose and a swan in songs as an indispensable part of the wedding meal. According to the Terek rite, the bride, when blessing, is placed on a blanket, and not on a fur coat, as would be expected according to the Russian rite. Perhaps the fact is that in the old days fur blankets (usually from sheepskin) were widespread in the North, but later, with the advent of wadded blankets, such a replacement took place. Unweaving the braids, dressing the warrior for the young and other traditional rituals of this group are all too well known.

Let us also pay attention to the custom of friends to remove the head of a young man with two pies, in which one cannot fail to see a very ancient ritual detail.
Let us try from all these magical actions that make up a wedding ceremony in the aggregate, to single out the main grain, the sprout from which the development of the magnificent ritual of the folk wedding began.
First of all, it is necessary to take into account that the wedding in the form that has historically developed in our country and has come down to the present time appears when the forms of group marriage with the approval of monogamy (monogamy) and patriarchy (male power in the family) break up.
In Russian fairy tales (in particular, those that we recorded on the Tersk coast), there is often such a plot collision: the hero's wife Kashchei is kidnapped by an immortal (or another similar character). After a series of efforts and exploits, the hero kills the enemy, returns his wife and celebrates the wedding again - again.

Until now, in the everyday life of the same Terchan (as in other regions of the country) there is a custom, if the wedding took place far away, in Murmansk, for example, to collect a wedding table for relatives upon the arrival of the young in the village, that is, to some extent to play wedding again.
In primitive magic, which is still living among peoples such as the Australians, the Bushmen, etc., repeated magic is widespread: if a hunter misses on a hunt, for example, he again undergoes a ritual that helps restore the lost skill, "bewitched" a second time and his weapon that gave a miss.
By this analogy, the wedding ceremony is, first of all, the magic of joining, the surrender of a woman to the individual power of a man. And in case of violation of this right of private ownership (if the wife is carried away by Kashchei, lives with him for some time and is returned again), the magical action is repeated to restore the temporarily lost rights of the husband.
Therefore, the central dramatic moment of the wedding is the girl's parting with her will, clan, tribe, girlfriends, her surrender to the individual power of a man, which is symbolized by the ritual of unweaving the braids, as well as lamentations and magical actions, this rite of others.
Note that in ancient times, the destruction of a woman's or girl's headdress for this very reason seemed to be an especially unacceptable act, even more terrible than the actual loss of girlhood or female honor.
Around this central episode - the issuance of the girl by society to one person, "bribing" her from society (money that pays young villagers who delay the wedding train, etc.), the girl joining the spirits of her husband's house, etc. - all other rituals are grouped wedding ritual.
The "spoilage" of the young at a wedding is perhaps an act of as ancient origin as the wedding itself, and its meaning is revenge for violating the "old way", the customs of a clan society with ancient traditions of group marriage (polygamy).

The reflection of historical and legal remnants of antiquity in the Terek wedding is also quite clearly traced, mainly in songs. The memory of abduction marriage and pre-Christian wedding ceremonies, apparently, should be seen in the song “To the mountains, to the high. a tree grew there. " There are much more recollections of later eras - the sale and purchase of a bride ("hand-arm"), the customs of the Russian Middle Ages - in the list of wedding ranks, in a number of songs mentioning Moscow, Lithuania and Novgorod as equal political centers, which leads to the reality of the 13th-15th centuries.
The current degree of study, or rather, the lack of study of the issue, the rarity and unsatisfactory quality of publications, do not yet allow undertaking research into the Russian wedding ceremony of even one, fairly large region of the country. In our opinion, before any generalizing work, it is necessary to publish a number of strictly local collections, so that the subsequent generalization can rely on real, verified material, both verbal and musical, and not on fragmentary, incomplete, and often contradictory records that make up the main one " A lot of sources of our information about the Russian wedding at the present time.

The work undertaken by us for all the reasons stated above was performed as a publication of the material, and not as a research. It is this kind of work that, it seems to us, without hasty conclusions and generalizations of a fortune-telling nature, is likely to bring closer the time when it will be possible to pose the problem of studying the Russian wedding in all the volume and variety of its local variants and their historical evolution, in the unity of historical and ethnographic, its verbal and artistic and musical and artistic components.
The sequence of the wedding ceremony, one or another of its details, were recorded by us in all villages of the Tersk region and from many persons. The most complete recordings were made in Umba by Piyama Stepanovna Devyatkina and Evgenia Gavrilovna Vasina; in Lesnoye - from Avdotya Anisimovna Moshnikova and Anastasia Ivanovna Katarina, a great connoisseur of folklore, who remembered not only songs, but also wedding lamentations (vanya). However, she grew up in one village, lived in another, later moved to a third, and often therefore, when speaking, combined the specifics of different wedding traditions together. In Kashkarantsy, the wedding ceremony was announced by Platonnda Ivanovna Dvornikova, who, like A.I.Katarina, still remembered lamentation. In Kuzomen, the wedding ceremony and wedding songs were recorded from Anisya Stepanovna Ragozina.

In Varzuga, a very complete description of the wedding ceremony was recorded from Evdokia Dmitrievna Koneva, her story is the basis of this description. Alexandra Ivanovna Churilova told us a number of interesting details and a few rare old songs. The order of the wedding ceremony was verified according to the stories of Alexandra Kapitonovna Moshnikova and Fedora Nikolaevna Kovornina; additional notes were made by Maria Vasilievna Moshnikova, Marina Polikarpovna Dyachkova, Fedora Antonovna Popova, Alexander Ivanovich Zaborshchikov and many, many others. Moreover, the inhabitants of Varzuga, members of an amateur choir of an old song, led by a local resident Alexandra Kapitonovna Moshnikova, staged the entire wedding for us from beginning to end the way it was played in the village twenty - thirty years ago: in old costumes, in observance of all the traditional customs, and a member of our expedition SN Azbelev filmed the wedding ceremony on film. In addition to Alexandra Kapitonovna herself (“mother of the bride”), who provided her hut for filming, this production was attended by Efim Vasilyevich Zaborshchikov (“father of the bride”), Evstolia Vasilyevna Churilova (Guryeva) (“bride”), Nikolai Alexandrovich Popov ( "Groom"), Elikonida Yakimovna Moshnikova ,. Klavdia Kapitonovna Zaborshchikova, Anna Vasilievna Moshnikova, Nikolai Vasilievich Churilov, Rim Aleksandrovich Popov, Valentin Evgenievich Zaborshchikov, Alexander Fedorovich Moshnikov, Liya Fedorovna Vopiyashina. Ulyana Semyonovna Zaborshchikova and others ("friends", "guests", "bridesmaids", "scavengers", etc.). We did not interfere with the organization of this production at all, leaving it to Alexandra Kapitonovna, Elikonida Yakimovna and other members of the ensemble. Many villagers were “consultants”.

When the collection was roughly ready, we again visited Varzuga and some other villages and additionally verified all the details and details of the wedding ceremony in order to achieve the maximum correctness of the description.
The nature of the work also determined the construction of the collection. The presentation is based on the wedding ceremony of the village of Varzugi; the differences in other villages are only specified along the way in the footnotes and in the comments. The same principle was followed when arranging songs. The songs are distributed in the order that existed in Varzuga, and songs from other villages are given in addition to each of the sections of the wedding ceremony.
The selection of songs was carried out according to the following principle: the main text of the collection included plot variants differing in tunes, while textual discrepancies of the same plot were, as a rule, included in the commentary.
Description of the wedding ceremony, selection and arrangement of songs and comments were compiled by D. M. Balashov. Music transcript of musical material and selection of musical versions of songs were made by Yu. E. Krasovskaya. She also wrote the article "The intonational basis of the arrangement of Terek wedding songs" and reviewed the tunes in the collections indicated in the comments (all cases of similarity of tunes are specially stipulated). The transcripts of the songs of the 1964 expedition, due to the temporary absence of Yu. E. Krasovskaya, were made by the laboratory assistant of the recording room of the Institute of Terttu Arvovna Koski and later verified by Yu. E. Krasovskaya. Significant assistance in the expeditionary work was provided by the researchers of the Leningrad Institute of Russian Literature (Pushkin House) of the USSR Academy of Sciences S.N. Azbelev and T.I. Ornatskaya.

The texts were transferred with the preservation of the basic phonetic features of the local pronunciation in accordance with the principles of publishing folklore editions. Differences are noticeable in the dialect of residents depending on the age and place of recording (in the eastern part of the district, for example, the "clatter" is more noticeable), we considered it necessary to preserve them. However, we have eliminated the discrepancy between the same words within the same text, which makes reading difficult.
In conclusion, we would like to express our heartfelt gratitude to all residents of Varzuga and other villages of the Tersk region, both named and not named here, without whose most ardent and disinterested help this work could never have been done.
D. Balashov

Yu. Krasovskaya. The intonation basis of the arrangement of Tersk wedding songs
WEDDING RULES AND SONGS

Chapter 1. Formation of the wedding ceremony as an independent phenomenon in the social life of medieval Russia in the 10th - 17th centuries.

1. Formation of a ceremonial rite on P

2. The wedding ritual and its behavior.

Chapter 2. Evolution of wedding ceremonies in modern times.

1. The nature of changes in the vandal rite of the richest nobleman under the influence of the Petroh transformations of the HUSH

2. The cultural foundations and content of the Russian folk wedding in the 19th century.

3. Benny of the townhouse in the late 19th - early 20th centuries.

Chapter 3. Transformation of the wedding ceremony in the Soviet and post-Soviet period.

1. Wedding ceremony in the secular time: traditions and innovations.

2. Specificity and cultural significance of the modern wedding ceremony

Recommended list of dissertations

Wedding of Russians of Bashkortostan as a folk-game complex: Questions of poetics and interethnic interactions 1998, Doctor of Philology Karpukhin, Ivan Egorovich
Marriage and family rituals of the Avars of Andalal: Traditions and innovations 2002, candidate of historical sciences Israpilova, Zarema Akhmedkhanovna
Interaction and relationship of poetry with ritual in a Central Russian wedding 1984, candidate of philological sciences Kalnitskaya, Alexandra Mikhailovna
Family rituals of the Lezgins of Azerbaijan: the end of the 19th - 20th centuries: an ethnographic study of the north-eastern zone of Azerbaijan 1989, Candidate of Historical Sciences Abbasova, Mehriban Olegovna
Wedding rituals of the Akka Chechens: traditions and innovations 2009, candidate of historical sciences Yakhadzhieva, Aminat Khasanovna

Dissertation introduction (part of the abstract) on the topic "Traditions and innovations in the Russian wedding ceremony"

The relevance of the research topic is primarily due to the fact that at present in Russian society and culture there is a rethinking and reappraisal of the institution of marriage and family1, and new symbols and rituals are being intensively formed, including those associated with the celebration of the most important events of personal life.

Folk wisdom has put into the concept of ritualism the primordial idea of \u200b\u200bbeauty, morality of human relations, decency, justice, as well as the norms of life, regulated, as a rule, by custom. The natural process of interaction of traditions and innovations ensures the change and preservation of culture. In every culture, there is a dynamic balance between tradition, which maintains stability, and innovation, thanks to which society moves forward. This can be clearly seen in the evolution of the Russian wedding ceremony.

The study of its changes at different historical stages gives a visible idea of \u200b\u200bthe dynamics of the spiritual values \u200b\u200bof society, the relationship of continuity and gaps in ideas about family and marriage, the basic principles of their stability, the connection of wedding rituals with general cultural experience, ethnic and confessional characteristics of the people and their changes in the social process.

Modern society is characterized by both a crisis of many traditional moral values \u200b\u200band an active search for a new paradigm of spiritual development, ethnocultural and moral self-identification in order to successfully implement the modernization of Russia. Culture in the entire totality of its components acts as the most important factor.

1 Sociology: Encyclopedia / comp. Gritsanov A.A., Abushenko BJL, Evelkin G.M., Sokolova GL., Tereshchenko O.V. Minsk, 2003, p. 1064

2 Dal V. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language. T. 1-4. Edition 2. M., 1880-1882 / 1955/2001. T.2. p. 1017 sustainable development, for which there is an urgent need for the organic unity of traditions (which has passed from one generation to another, which is inherited from previous generations) 3 and innovations4 (from Lat. renewal, change), the socio-cultural continuity of generations. It is ensured, in particular, thanks to the restoration and development of national customs and rituals that accumulate the centuries-old experience of the people, the basic principles of their worldview and spirituality.

The analysis of tradition as a socio-cultural phenomenon involves the search for answers to such questions as: is tradition a stumbling block for a developing society, is it inherent in innovation, or does something new arise only on the ruins of tradition.

In Soviet tradition studies, two approaches were formed to the problem of the relationship between the old and the new, the relationship between tradition and innovation.

The first approach presents tradition as “a mechanism for the reproduction of social institutions and norms, in which the maintenance of the latter is justified, legitimized by the very factor of their existence in the past” 5, tradition is understood as copying the existing experience of human activity6. The emergence of innovations is considered by the supporters of this approach as a result of a failure in the mechanism of tradition, and therefore any innovation is "assessed as a harmful deviation and eliminated" 7.

Another approach to the analysis of the concept of "tradition" does not exclude the existence of traditions in the socio-cultural space, focused only on the reproduction of established social relations and thereby excluding innovations8. It is understood that similar

3Dal V. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language. T. 1-4. Edition 2. M, 1880-1882 / 1955/2001. T.4 p.705.

4 Dictionary of foreign words av.-sost. E.A. Grishina M., 2002, p. 346.s Philosophical Encyclopedia. Moscow, 1970, vol. 5. p.353.

6 Ugrinovich DM. Rites: for against against, M., 1975, p. 16.

7 Philosophical Encyclopedia, Moscow, 1970, vol. 5, p. 353. Zavyalov M.G. Tradition as a way of self-identification of society. Yekaterinburg, 1997, p. 38. Traditions are only an “ultimate”, extreme version of tradition9 and that “the mechanism of tradition is never purely reproductive, the reproduction of even fairly rigid samples is always variable” 10.

The view of tradition as a system that gave rise to innovations, and it is thanks to this that it is in development, was reflected in many works11. V.D. Plakhov, stressing that the new is interpreted in two senses: first, in the sense of the stochastic, i.e. accidental, not determined by the past, and, secondly, determined in a certain way and prepared by the past development of the system, comes to the conclusion that “tradition, personifying the social past, is not a fundamental obstacle to the new in general and social progress

10 in particular ”. Innovations are considered as a necessary element of the functioning and development of traditions, but not all, since the traditions themselves are differentiated with this approach into static and dynamic and, if the former are not capable of producing new things, because their main function is to reproduce the past in a relatively unchanged form in order to preserve commonness of their stability in time and space, then the latter realize continuity according to the type of extended reproduction, when the content of traditions changes, the restructuring of its constituent components occurs, and traditions arising in the depths of the tradition seem to adapt the tradition to the changed social conditions13.

E.S. Markarian analyzes the tradition from the point of view of its staticity or dynamics, firstly, putting forward such a criterion as temporary

9 Antonov A.N. Cognitive traditions: problems and perspectives of study // Cognitive tradition: philosophical and methodological analysis. M.D989.p.9.

In the same place. S. 14-15.

11 Solntsev N.V. Traditions as specific social phenomena // On methodological problems of social sciences. Novosibirsk. 969. p. 63-64; Asmus V.F. V.I. Lenin. On questions of cultural tradition // Questions of philosophy. 1970 No. 4. from. 145-156; Markaryan E.S. Nodal problems of theory and cultural tradition // Soviet Ethnography. 1981 2.c. 78-96; Vlasova V.B. Historical types of society's attitude to tradition // Philosophical Sciences. 1984. No. 5. from. 152-156; Zavyalova MP., Rastorguev VM Unity and continuity of consciousness. Tomsk. 1988; and etc.

Plakhov V.D. Tradition and Society. M. 1982, p. 41

13 Zavyalov M.G. Tradition as a way of self-identification of society. Yekaterinburg, 1997, p. 39. the duration of the tradition, and, secondly, based on the "coefficient of actualization" of all previous experience. " He introduces two limiting points between which the life of culture is carried out: 1 - all heritage and only it is actual, innovations are "prohibited" (absolutely conservative culture), 0 - everything that was previously created is not subject to actualization, the dominance of innovations (absolutely innovative culture). The aspiration of culture to 1 strengthens and consolidates static traditions in society, an approach to O, which, according to Markarian, is characteristic of the modern era, enhances the dynamics of social development, the diversity of traditions increases, they not only undergo constant transformation, but also disappear, giving way to , which is called the scientific management of social processes in society.

The expanded definition of tradition is criticized by the supporters of the first approach, since, in their opinion, “there is a separation of this concept from the context in which it was formed, due to which its original content-specific certainty is lost” 14. Representation of the structure of tradition in the form of the interconnection of its two sides - innovation and conservatism - leads to the fact that the generation of innovation from itself by the tradition limits the use of any other categories to characterize the cultural and historical process. Everything turns into a tradition15.

Sociocultural realities of the last decade have revealed the “uncomfortableness” of many models of tradition, their ideological inability to become a methodological basis for studying the past, fixing such essential characteristics of tradition as stability, preservation, continuity, repeatability, etc. is no longer enough for the theoretical system to remain viable and productive for the knowledge of a changed society, where the element of interests dominates,

14 Aleksandrov V.B. About tradition in cognition and cognitive tradition // Social cognition: tradition and modernity. Kalitny. 1987. p. 54.

15 Zavyalov M.G. Tradition as a way of self-identification of society. Yekaterinburg, 1997, p. 40. heterogeneous images of the past and the present, and where the flows of information that have swept over both society and culture in its socio-cultural meaning must be ordered and built in accordance with the logic of the historical revival of Russia.

In the 1980s, within the framework of the cognitive tradition established in tradition studies, at the junctions of various humanitarian disciplines, a new approach to the study of tradition emerged. This approach, on the one hand, used the already developed methodology for studying activity and society as a system of relations, and on the other hand, it introduced methods and concepts of such sciences as cybernetics and semiotics into its conceptual and logical toolkit. And it was a completely justified choice from the point of view of analyzing the functional uniqueness of tradition in spontaneously developing societies, which were forced in the course of modernization to engage in “rejection” of their past or, at least, to change the value-semantic accents in it.

The birth of this approach was a visible evidence of the operation of tradition as such - the old, the old preserves itself, being modified in the context of the new, and new knowledge, relying on the inherited one, expands the horizons of our understanding of tradition, creates new boundaries for understanding and new problems in cognition16.

In this regard, the historical and culturological study of the correlation of traditions and innovations in the Russian wedding ceremony is an urgent scientific and practical task.

Today we are looking closely at the rituals that have been created for centuries according to the laws of worldly wisdom by the minds of people. The folk tradition interpreted the wedding as an obligatory act of recognition and proclamation of a young family. Modern young people often turn to the past and are interested in the national spiritual heritage. At the same time, a traditional type of wedding is inevitable

16 Ibid, p. 45. modernized ”, the elements of traditional rituals have changed in accordance with the consciousness of people, their spiritual needs, etc.

Since 1988, the author has been associated with the work of the registry office and later with the structures for the organization of wedding leisure. During this period, she often encountered newlyweds who asked the same question: how did our ancestors celebrate the wedding, how to properly decorate the wedding train, how to seat guests at the wedding table, and others. Helping young people getting married to clarify the necessary questions and find answers is one of the tasks of the dissertation research.

The degree of scientific elaboration of the topic. Many experts have addressed and are referring to the history of the Great Russian wedding ceremony. It should be noted that researchers have paid a lot of attention to the testimonies of contemporaries - foreigners (Herberpggein, Jenkinson, Fletcher,

Olearius, Collins, etc.) and often trusted them more than Russian sources. In addition to foreign authors, until the 18th century, only two are known

1I describe the Russian wedding - in "Domostroy" and G. Kotoshikhin.

Academician N.S. Derzhavin, referring to the wedding ceremony among the ancient Slavs, defined it as “marriage customs, i.e. a marriage formalized and sanctioned by a well-known folk traditional ritual. "19

Among the works created in the 19th - early 20th centuries, which constitute not only a part of the historiography of the topic, but also serve as an important source of its study, the book by N.F. Sumtsova "On wedding ceremonies, mainly Russian" (Kharkov, 1881), where a broad comparative analysis of wedding rituals was carried out. East Slavic wedding ceremony in the course of Russian ethnography in general view characterized

17 Herberppein S. Notes on Muscovy. SPb., 1866; Two matchmaking of foreign princes to Russian grand princesses in the 17th century // Readings in the Society of Russian History and Antiquities at Moscow University. Book. 4. M., 1867; Olearius A. Description of the journey to Muscovy to through Muscovy to Persia in the back. SPb., 1906; Horsey J. Notes on Muscovy of the 16th century St. Petersburg, 1909; English travelers in the Moscow state in the 16th century. L, 1937 and others.1 ft

Kotoshikhin G. About Russia in the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich. Edition 2. SPb., 1859.

19 Derzhavin N.S. Slavs in antiquity. M., 1945.S. 128.

D.K. Zelenin. The pre-revolutionary literature also discussed the origin of Russian and Ukrainian wedding ceremonies. Authors such as N.F. Sumtsov, F.K. Volkov, D.K. Zelenin, two points of view clashed: while Sumtsov and Volkov20 argued that the Ukrainian and Great Russian wedding ceremonies had different origins, Zelenin tended to recognize their common origin.

A significant study devoted specifically to wedding terminology is the work of P.S. Bogoslovsky "On the nomenclature,

91 topographies and chronology of wedding ranks ”. The author set himself several tasks: identifying all the names of the actors of the wedding ceremony found on Russian territory (nomenclature of wedding ranks), the geographical distribution of terms (topography) and determining their chronology. The main part of the work is occupied by a list of the names of the characters of the wedding ceremony, compiled on the rather extensive material of the descriptions of the ceremony. Bogoslovsky put forward the principle of classifying the participants in the ritual according to a functional criterion.

In addition, R. Ecker's serious research "On Slavic Wedding Terminology" is devoted to the terminology of the wedding ceremony. In the article, in a comparative historical perspective, a fairly wide range of wedding terms that have a correspondence in different Slavic languages \u200b\u200bare analyzed. The author pointed out that there is no single common Slavic term for the name of the entire wedding. Even the term svatbba is relatively new, despite the fact that it is found in all Slavic languages.

Jan Komorski also provides important information about the diversity and richness of wedding traditions. His book

20 Volkov F.K. Ukrainian people in their past and present. T.2. Pg., 1916. S. 638; Sumtsov N.F. About wedding ceremonies, mostly Russian. Kharkov, 1881.

21 An imprint from the Perm regional history collection. Issue Z. Perm, 1927.

22 Eckert R. Zur slawische Hochzeitsterminologie // Zeitschrift fur Slavistik. 1965. Bd. X. Hf. 2. S. 185211.

23 Fasmer M The Egimilological Dictionary of the Russian Language. M, 1986, T.3. Pp. 54-55

Traditional wedding among the Slavs ”24 is the first work after the above-mentioned work by N.F. Sumtsov, in which, in a comparative perspective, the wedding ceremony of all Slavic peoples is considered.

Also noteworthy is the book by I. Vakhros about the Russian wedding. This is a serious and deep research, based on a wealth of factual material, it is largely devoted to the wedding ritual, especially ritual bathing. Description of wedding rituals on the example of various East Slavic provinces contains a number of works by other pre-revolutionary and Soviet authors.26

The second half of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century gave the largest number of descriptions of the wedding ritual. This was a kind of response to the change in the attitude of society towards him, in which cities with their new elements of lifestyle and culture in general played an increasing role, to the age-old foundations of organizing festivities, since it was then that the traditional wedding ceremony was gradually fading away. The pre-revolutionary authors paid the main attention to the characteristics of the constituent elements of rituals, the precise establishment of their regional and ethno-confessional characteristics, simultaneously noting some general cultural symbols and meanings of certain rituals. The general cultural and historical significance of national customs and rituals, as well as their characteristics on the example of, first of all, the royal family, can also be traced in the works of major Russian historians - I.E. Zabelina, N.M. Karamzin, V.O. Klyuchevsky, N.I. Kostomarova, S.M. Solovyov and others, reprinted in the last 20 years.

24 Komorovsky Y. Tradicna svadba u Slovanov. Bratislava, 1976.

25 Vahros Y. Zur Geschichte und Folklore der grossrussischen Sauna. FFC No. 197. Helsinki, 1966.

26 Tereshchenko A. Life of the Russian people. 4.2. Weddings. SPb., 1848; Shane P.V. The Great Russian in his songs, rituals, customs, beliefs, fairy tales, legends, etc. SPb., 1900. T.1. Issue eleven; Mylnikova K., Tsintsius V. Northern Great Russian wedding // Materials on the wedding and family structure of the peoples of the USSR. Issue 1. JL, 1926.

27 Zabelin I.E. Domestic life of Russian tsars // Notes of the Fatherland. 1851, 1854; Zabelin M. Russian people. His customs, rituals, traditions, superstitions and poetry. M., 1990; Karamzin N.M. History of Russian Goverment. T.2. SPb., 1892; Klyuchevsky V.O. historical portraits. M, 1990; Kostomarov N.I.

During the Soviet period, a special study of the cultural aspects of folk rituals, including wedding ceremonies, was almost never carried out. As a rule, they were the subject of study of ethnographers and were largely descriptive, showing wedding rituals in different regions and regions of the country28. Among the works in which the wedding ceremony is viewed from a historical point of view, it is necessary to note the works of E.G. Kagarov on the composition of wedding rituals and the mythological significance of some East Slavic wedding rites and ceremonies. 29

An important place was also occupied by publications covering wedding celebrations as part of the Soviet way of life, in which the main emphasis was placed on the ideological side - the advantages of the socialist way of life, the provision of genuine gender equality in the Soviet state, and the active participation of women in the social and production life of society30.

Among the few works that have a culturological nature and methodological significance for the study of the chosen topic, one should highlight the studies of D.S. Likhacheva, Yu.M. Lotman and V.I. Proppa 31.

In the late 80s - 90s gt. XX century. revolutionary transformations took place in the country, which led not only to a change in the socio-economic and political structure of Russia, but also had a huge

Home life and customs of the Great Russian people. M., 1993; Soloviev SM History of Russia since ancient times. M., 1994, etc.

28 Chistova K.V., Bernshtam T.A. Russian folk wedding ceremony: research and materials. JI., 1978; Sorokin V.B. Folklore of the Moscow Region. M., 1979; Zhirnova G.V. Marriage and wedding of Russian citizens in the past and present. M., 1980; Ritual songs of the Russian wedding in Siberia. Novosibirsk, 1981; Gura A.V. Rain during the wedding. M., 1986; Zakharchenko V., Melnikov M. Wedding of the Ob-Irtysh interfluve. M., 1988, etc.

29 Kagarov E.G. On the meaning of some Russian wedding ceremonies // Izvestia of the Academy of Sciences. T. 11. 1917. No. 9; Its the same. Composition and origin of wedding rituals // Collection of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography. T. 8.L., 1929.

30 Pushkareva L.A., Shmeleva M.N. Modern Russian peasant wedding // Soviet ethnography. 1959; Kharchev A.G. Marriage and family in the USSR. M., 1964; Rogovina E.N. New civil rites. JI. 1974; Rudnev V.A. Soviet customs and rituals. JI. 1974; I. V. Sukhanov Customs, traditions and continuity of generations. M., 1976; Susloparova D.D. Family traditions... M., 1979; Tulydeva JIA. Modern holidays and ceremonies of the peoples of the USSR. M., 1985, etc.

31 Likhachev DS. Culture of the Russian people X - XVII centuries. M.-JL, 1961; Propp V.I. Russian agrarian holidays. M., 1864; Lotman Yu.M. Conversations about Russian culture: everyday life and traditions of the Russian nobility (18th - early 19th centuries). SPb., 1994. Influence on the entire sphere of the cultural life of society. The crisis state of spirituality, the debunking of Soviet norms and values \u200b\u200bforced society to seek moral support in stable, traditional ethnic and confessional ideas and customs. This led to the revival of the interest of scientists - culturologists, historians, ethnologists, religious scholars, philosophers - in folk traditions and customs, rituals and holidays. On the one hand, their constituent elements are being reconstructed, including those in wedding ceremonies. On the other hand, the broader socio-cultural context, symbolism and moral significance of certain customs and rituals associated with the national mentality and the spiritual culture of the people are being more actively studied32.

Among modern researchers of the topic, it is necessary to note H.JI. Pushkarev. In the work “A woman in a Russian family X - early. XIX century: the dynamics of socio-cultural changes ”(M., 1997) and others, it shows the place of women and her role in marriage, the everyday life of women in different periods of national history.

In general, the analysis of the available scientific literature on the chosen topic shows a clear insufficiency of special cultural studies of the Russian folk wedding ceremony in its evolution at different historical stages.

This confirms the relevance of the research undertaken and determines its goal - to consider and trace changes in wedding rituals from antiquity to the present, to highlight the primordial wedding traditions that correspond to Russian culture, requiring the preservation and strengthening of their role in the spiritual life of the people.

32 See, for example: Russians: family and social life. M., 1989; Traditions in the context of Russian culture. Cherepovets, 1995; Kuzmenko P Wedding. M „19%; Encyclopedia of rituals and customs. SPb., 1996; Panke "I.A. From christening to commemoration. M, 1997; Russians. M, 1997; Yudina N.A. Encyclopedia of Russian customs. M., 2001, etc. environment, limited to the study of changes, common features and differences in the Russian wedding ceremony.

The objectives of the dissertation work are:

Consider the process of the formation of a wedding ceremony in the medieval period of Russian history;

Identify and highlight the main wedding rituals and their symbolism;

Analyze the nature of changes in the wedding ceremony of the Russian nobility under the influence of Peter's reforms in the 18th century;

Show the cultural foundations and content of Russian folk weddings in the 19th century;

Describe the cultural features of an urban wedding in the late 19th - early 20th centuries;

Study the relationship between traditions and innovations in the wedding ceremony during the Soviet era;

Determine the specifics and cultural significance of the modern wedding ceremony in Russia.

The object of research in the dissertation is the Russian wedding ceremony throughout all the main stages of historical development.

The subject of the research is the relationship between traditions and innovations in the Russian wedding ceremony at important historical stages in the development of Russian society from antiquity to the present day.

The sources for this work were materials from over a hundred more or less complete descriptions of the wedding ceremony. They are contained in the works of prominent researchers of Russian history and culture - N.M. Karamzin "History of the Russian State" and S.M. Solovyov "History of Russia since ancient times", N.I. Kostomarov "Home life and customs of the Great Russian people", V.I. Dahl "On beliefs, superstitions and prejudices of the Russian people" and others.

The least consecrated by factual data is the most ancient period, tk. it lacked a complete description of the wedding ceremony. Only brief remarks and information can be emphasized from the chronicles, epics, the most ancient legal code of the "Leader of the Book". More extensive information about the wedding ceremony has become from the 15th - 16th centuries. Numerous descriptions of weddings by foreign authors require special analysis, due to the authors' lack of knowledge of Russian specifics, and information about royal weddings raises a natural question about their compliance with national traditions. Extensive sources become in HUSHV. and were especially widely consecrated in the 19th century.

The most important group of sources for the fulfillment of the tasks set in the dissertation was made up of ancient Russian and medieval literature - "The Tale of Bygone Years" (M.-JL, 1950), The Complete Collection of Russian Chronicles, published in St. Petersburg in the middle of the 19th century, "Domostroy" (JI ., 1992), etc. To study the family life of the XIV-XV centuries. In addition, an epic epic was used as a source, including a cycle of epics on family and everyday themes (an epic about Vasily Buslaev, about Khoten Bludovich, about Ivan Gostiny son, etc.), as well as everyday tales, proverbs, etc. P. Many images of marriage ceremonies, drawings of a wedding feast are also found in ancient Russian miniatures. 33

The works of ethnographers devoted to spiritual and material culture, life and traditions of the Russian ethnos in different periods of Russian history were also of great importance for identifying sources, their systematization and analysis.34

Methodological basis of the research. Methodologically, this study is based on the application of the principles of integrity of development,

33 See: A.V. Artsikhovsky. Old Russian miniature as a historical source. M., 1944.S. 103, 134.

34 See, for example: Sakharov I.P. Legends of the Russian people. In 2 t. M., 1849; Volkov IV Wedding greetings recorded by a peasant., Who was often a matchmaker // Living antiquity. 1905. No. 1-2; Tulceva L.A. Modern holidays and ceremonies of the peoples of the USSR. M., 1985; Alexandrov V.A., Pushchkareva N.L. n others. Russians: ethnography, resettlement, numbers and historical destinies of the XII - XX centuries. M., 1995, etc. historicism, objectivity. The desire to realize one of the most important goals of historiographic research - to study the process of increasing knowledge and achieving reliable scientific results at the same time determined the choice of methods of scientific search. Among them are general scientific and special-historical methods: structural-systemic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, typological, social, revealing various aspects of culture, the essence of traditions, features of the modern socio-cultural process.

The scientific novelty of the study is that it summarizes the content and reveals the culturological significance of the Russian wedding ceremony in the historical aspect, throughout all the main stages of its development, identifies the most characteristic features of tradition and innovations, demonstrates the socio-cultural significance and the symbolism of the wedding ritual, its specificity and dynamics of changes up to the present time.

The practical significance of the dissertation lies in the possibility of using the materials and conclusions of the work for a deeper and more comprehensive study of the transformations of the ritual culture of the Russian people, establishing the role and significance of wedding symbols in the formation of the system of moral values \u200b\u200bof the young generation. The results of the work can be used in the process of training specialists in the history of Russian culture, anthropologists, employees of civil registry offices, in cultural and educational and educational activities public organizations, cultural institutions and educational institutions, in the activities of organizations in the field of leisure and marriage services.

The approbation of the work was carried out for several years, when the author was engaged in the development and organization of wedding ceremonies for newlyweds. In the registry offices of Moscow (Gagarinsky, Izmailovsky, Korovinsky, Meshchansky), an experiment (1994-1997) was carried out to conduct a wedding ceremony in the Russian folk style immediately after the official marriage ceremony. The experiment confirmed that young couples take part in the rituals and games of the folklore ensemble with pleasure, they perceive folk songs with interest and attention. In addition, the author has developed a theatrical and play complex for newlyweds "Wedding Casket", which includes elements of the Russian wedding ceremony and wedding festivities. The results of the study were discussed during the applicant's speeches at scientific and scientific-practical conferences, so in March 2003 the author made a presentation on the topic "Peculiarities of the Russian wedding ceremony" at the scientific-practical conference "Humanitarian education for the hospitality industry" at the Moscow State University of Service.

The structure of the thesis is determined by the purpose and objectives of the research. The work consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion, a list of sources and literature.

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Conclusion of the thesis on the topic "Theory and history of culture", Timofeeva, Lilia Vadimovna

Conclusion

The Old Russian wedding ceremony is one of the most complex complexes of traditional everyday culture. It reflected social and legal relations, family structure, beliefs, oral poetry, many features of traditional material culture. The ceremony usually combined features of the distant and near past. New phenomena were introduced into it with great difficulty, even if the state and the church were interested in changing the rite.

Until the very beginning of the 20th century, two sharply different parts were still traced in the Russian wedding rite: the church ceremony of "wedding" and the wedding itself, "fun" - a family rite rooted in the distant past. For a long time, both of these parts of the rite were in serious conflict with each other. The Orthodox Church and the state recognized only a marriage consecrated by the church. In the eyes of peasants and ordinary townspeople, a marriage was not considered valid if only the church wedding ceremony was performed, and the traditional wedding feast and the rituals preceding it according to custom for some reason did not take place - the young after the wedding were again separated.

It is possible that it was precisely this adherence of the masses to traditional wedding ceremonies that forced even the tsars to observe, along with the church and folk, wedding ceremony (for example, the wedding of the Moscow Grand Duke Vasily III).

The 16th century is characterized by the desire to streamline various aspects of the private life of wide circles of the people, especially the townspeople, to create such forms that would be more easily controlled by secular and spiritual authorities. Such a set of laws of everyday life has become "Domostroy", which is authoritative recommendations for a wealthy city dweller on how everyone should build family relationships and maintain their house in proper order - a kind of detailed instruction with strict regulation of home and family life. "Domostroy" is an important source for studying the wedding ceremony of that time - it contains detailed description four different options "Wedding rank", designed for urban Russian families of various incomes.

The wedding ceremony, like other elements of culture, has changed in the process of historical development - under the influence of socio-economic transformations, many ritual actions are transformed. In modern Russia, the wedding ceremony of the nobility becomes bright, magnificent, "Europeanized". The rite combined features of a folk rite, church wedding standards and a specifically noble life. Fireworks, balls, pigeons, fountains appear in the wedding ceremony, but as before, newlyweds are showered with hops, a loaf is presented, a wedding train is built, the young are fed chicken, they dress as mummers, etc. There are also new elements in the wedding ceremony - young people meet before the wedding, “love marriages” are concluded, parents are forbidden to be present in the church at the wedding. The wedding ceremony takes the main place in the wedding celebration. After the wedding ceremony, a wedding feast takes place.

At the same time, in the 18th century, the rite, despite all the splendor, began to fade away. Peter's reforms changed the way of life, but the traditional moments characteristic of a peasant wedding remained essentially the same.

In the 19th century, in the process of socio-economic development, the antithesis between town and country increased. All this was reflected in the wedding ritual. In the course of historical development in the city, on the one hand, its own customs and rituals were formed, on the other hand, peasant wedding traditions were processed and adapted to the conditions of life of the townspeople. With all the diversity and heterogeneity of wedding customs and rituals of the townspeople, there are clearly those that were encountered among all social-class groups of the city and which can be considered as city-wide. These included the customs of starting a matchmaking, bride, conspiracy, as well as a wedding feast with traditional tea drinking, sending through intermediaries to the bride on the wedding day a "groom's box" with wedding accessories and other gifts, going to the bride and groom in church by different trains and separately, and return to the groom's house in a common wedding train, throw flowers on the path of the newlyweds from church to the wedding train, festively decorate the wedding train only after the wedding, travel around the city with the wedding train three times, meet young musicians, and also arrange post-wedding visiting weeks, during which further alternating acquaintance of relatives with newlyweds and presentation of "kindred gifts" to the young. These most stable elements reflected the preservation of basic moral and spiritual values \u200b\u200band ideas about the essence of marriage and the meaning of the family, as well as folk traditions that have largely lost their original semantics.

At the same time, in connection with the social differentiation of society, along with city-wide traditions, there are also those that were observed only in the ritual of some estates: for example, the merchant "bed train", with strict regulation of the characters, the established procedure for the distribution of dowry by carts and its obligatory inventory, which reflects the socio-economic characteristics of this class.

In the families of artisans, workers, small traders, day laborers, the dowry was negotiated orally. Negotiations were usually conducted at the moment of "conspiracy". The lack of a written list of the dowry is explained not so much by the illiteracy of the population, but by the fact that here the dowry was much smaller and its composition had a different character than in merchant and noble circles (the dowry of a townswoman consisted not of the bride's own needlework, but of purchased clothes, furniture of the city type, mirrors, gramophones and other objects of urban culture).

As for traditional wedding poetry, by the end of the 19th century, ditties took the leading place among the poor urban population, in contrast to the peasant. They were usually sung with dance and accordion.

At the weddings of the well-to-do bourgeoisie, merchants, and the intelligentsia, they sang mainly urban romances, "cruel romances" fashionable at that time, as well as songs and romances to the words of Russian poets. Solo singing accompanied by guitar was extremely popular. It was not customary for the nobility, high-ranking officials, the rich and influential merchants to sing while sitting at the wedding table. There was a special time and place for dancing and singing. Special wedding concerts were arranged with the participation of professional artists, most often singers and musicians.

Thus, among the social elite of urban society, the song and musical accompaniment of the wedding celebration had little in common with the folk ritual tradition, but was formed and developed under the influence of professional art in accordance with the norms of social behavior and secular etiquette.

Magic marriage rites continued to occupy a prominent place in the wedding ritual. And if some of them, for example, arranging a bed for newlyweds in a stable or basement, placing a tub of grain at the head of the marriage bed, showering the newlyweds with hops by the beginning of the XX century. disappeared, then others continued to be part of the wedding complex of the townspeople. They symbolized the socio-cultural and spiritual significance of the institution of marriage and family, the role of husband and wife, father and mother. In all social-class groups of townspeople, regardless of their cultural level, such rituals as binding the hands of the bride and groom, feeding the young, sipping wine from a common vessel by the newlyweds, three-hour exchange of glasses of the young during the wedding feast, public kissing of the newlyweds and guests, and etc.

No less widespread in the urban environment were rituals aimed at ensuring material well-being and childbearing: for example, instead of the traditional shedding of grain or hops, the groom's mother, and then all the participants in the congratulations, threw a change of money in the young who returned from the crown. As a result of such shedding, "a fairly significant amount of money could be collected, which went into the personal use of the young. In the merchant environment, the shedding of the young for wedding guests has gradually acquired a prestigious value. Each participant in the ritual tried to throw more money on the tray, which was held especially for this occasion by the "boy-dish" who was standing near the newlyweds.

At the turn of the XIX and XX centuries. the inhabitants of the city outskirts and settlements, as well as in the middle strata of the merchant class, had a custom to put an egg under the feather bed “so that young children could have it” (boiled or painted wooden). The egg was under the feather bed of the newlyweds for three nights. On the fourth day, the young woman wrapped a wooden egg in a wedding shirt and kept it among her things, and if it was boiled, she chopped it into small pieces and fed the poultry.

This testifies to the preservation in the minds of the townspeople of a very ancient and widespread idea of \u200b\u200bthe egg as a symbol of fertility and renewal of life. According to popular beliefs, the chicken, like the egg, harbored forces that could have a positive effect on childbirth. So, at the end of the 19th century, among the urban poor, the ancient custom of secretly feeding young hens on their wedding night was preserved. It was believed that by eating chicken meat, newlyweds join in its fertility. The same meaning was attributed to the custom of serving fried or boiled chicken at the wedding table. It should be noted that live chicken was often part of the dowry of both peasants and city dwellers.

In the wedding ritual of the townspeople a large place was occupied by the rituals of "circular walking". Moments such as matchmaking, bridegroom, and conspiracy certainly ended with walking around the table, which testified to the successful outcome of the business started and the general agreement of its participants. There was also another traditional custom, according to which the young, who had arrived from the crown, were circled three times around the table - an echo of the ancient custom of going around the hearth in order to familiarize the wife with the husband's hearth.

In the traditional peasant ritual, amulets played an important role, which were a variety of objects: onions, garlic, poppy seeds, a fishing net, woolen thread, needles, bells, etc. Some of them were used as charms and in the weddings of townspeople. So, in order to protect the bride from the "evil eye", needles were driven into the hem of her wedding dress, two large needles were driven crosswise into the doorframe of the house in which the wedding fun was taking place, or thus two nails were driven in. In the everyday life of urban artisans, there were other types of amulets. For example, a bride, dressing for a crown, pinned a piece of her first embroidery to her lower skirt, or the bride was girded with "training yarn", that is. the fact that she strained herself the first time.

The idea that some objects can influence the fate of a person was also found in other social-class groups of the urban population. For example, amulets were common in the noble household. There was a tradition here, according to which on the day of the church announcement (a public announcement in the church after the liturgy about the upcoming marriage of some persons), the mother passed on to her daughter a talisman without strangers, which was always with the bride at the time of the wedding. Ladanka, pendants, signet rings often became family heirlooms and passed down from generation to generation along with legends about their miraculous power. Sometimes they were very expensive jewelry, and they were part of the family jewels. However, they were never treated as jewelry in the usual sense. Their functions were much broader, and even when the family was threatened with ruin, they did not dare to sell or mortgage these items, but tried to keep them in the family at all costs.

The urban population had a superstitious attitude towards certain days of the week and numbers, which was reflected in wedding traditions. For example, it was believed that wedding affairs should not be started on Wednesday and Friday, since these days are unfavorable for a wedding. The townspeople made sure that the day of the wedding did not fall on the thirteenth, which was considered the "devil's dozen". There was no such negative attitude towards other odd numbers. On the contrary, it was customary for the townspeople to serve an odd number of festive meals at the wedding table, they made up wedding bouquets for the groom and the bride from an odd number of flowers, even the number of horses in the wedding train of the newlyweds could be different, but always odd.

These are some of the main features of the Russian urban wedding ceremony of the 19th - 20th centuries.

The wedding ceremony of the 20th century in the period of revolutionary transformations in Russia was called the "red wedding". The ceremony was attended by the spirit of that time, slogans, portraits of the country's leaders, revolutionary songs, words-parting words of comrades.

Since the middle of the 20th century, a new wedding ceremony has been formed in the civil registration authorities, including new rituals characteristic of Russia of that period: the solemn issuance of a marriage registration certificate, congratulations to the young by the wedding ritual host, as well as by representatives of the authorities.

Among young people popular were "Komsomol weddings", wedding carterage, wedding fun without alcoholic beverages, newlyweds planting a young tree.

The so-called "Komsomol weddings" of the 1950s and 1960s. can be considered as a ceremony that was not the only possible form of celebration, but ensured the proper participation of the general public, which contributed to instilling in young people a sense of responsibility for marriage and the strength of family relations.

In the 80s of the XX century. the rituals of offering bread and salt, the arrival of the train for the bride, the ransom of the bride, the fun of the mummers, the singing of great songs were revived. The "modest" wedding ceremony was gradually transformed into a bright wedding fun with elements of a folk wedding.

The preservation and some revival of elements of ancient rites and old songs in a modern wedding suggests that at the end of the 20th century, completely new family traditions, in particular, wedding traditions, did not exist, there were practically no wedding songs that would reflect a fundamentally different the point of view of power, the nature of family relationships. Attempts to create a new wedding ceremony were, as a rule, reduced to the modernization of the well-known and most important from the point of view of morality rituals and customs. The socio-economic conditions of people's lives also played an important role.

Young people of the 21st century must be helped to select and creatively rethink from the old legacy that which corresponds to the spirit of the times, promotes the development of the initiative of the youth themselves, brings a new spirit to the wedding celebration and contributes to the strengthening of family relations. The federal law "On acts of civil status" adopted on October 22, 1997 speaks of the correctness of state registration of acts of civil status, records, powers for state registration. The law does not stipulate the ritual itself or the wedding ceremony of solemn (or non-solemn) registration of marriage, wedding ritual scripts are developed by the leaders on the ground.

Recently, thanks to connoisseurs and enthusiasts, admirers of folklore and history, many bright elements of traditional wedding rituals are returning to a new life. Modernity gives birth to its own folk performances, qualitatively new rituals, but they are not divorced from the past. The ability to make many wedding customs that are beautiful in their content, which the Russian people are rich in, are an important and necessary asset today. urgent task modern society.

So, the wedding loaf, which was baked the day before by relatives, is brought to the young groom's parents right on the steps in front of the restaurant.

The bride's parents bring glasses of red wine to the young, after which they are smashed by the young on the ground "for good luck." The launch of white doves and a garland of balloons is accompanied by applause and wedding greetings from friends. The groom and the bride themselves seat the guests for festive tablehanding out cheerful wedding cards and commemorative signs.

The episode of the groom presenting a gift to the bride resembles a casket that the groom once sent to the bride in the morning, on the wedding day. The groom gives the bride souvenirs: a soft toy, jewelry, sweets, etc.

Presenting the “key of family happiness” to friends has become an important event in the life of the family today. The crystal key is handed over to the groom and handed over for safekeeping as the head of the family, a small golden key, Golden Key sweets are handed over to the young wife as the keeper of the family hearth, etc.

The breaking of pots at the wedding by the groom and the bride symbolizes the more fragments, the more children and guests in the house of the young. Decorative candles are lit in front of the bride and groom, the young people say the "Vow of fidelity." The parents of the bride and groom bow to each other, kiss three times, promise to be attentive to their children and each other.

A fun contest for the bride - to sew on a button, and for the groom to perform a lullaby is a kind of rite of "checking the young" and more.

In particular, in a Russian wedding, the old rite cannot completely disappear. Introduction to the system of the registry office of specialists (wedding consultants) studying folk rituals, will allow newlyweds to understand the wedding rituals, give the wedding celebration a national flavor, which will only decorate and raise the prestige of both the Russian wedding ceremony itself and the event itself for each of the newlyweds.

Currently, the newlyweds choose the way of holding the wedding celebration, which they liked, which they saw at their friends, acquaintances, parents. Wedding loaf, bright individual wedding Dress, an unusual wedding procession, showering young people with grain, sweets, coins, wedding fun with folk and modern dances, fireworks - all this suggests that the youth of the XXI century is fond of bright events, gladly adopts the elements of an old wedding, sometimes without even knowing that that it is a traditional rite.

At the same time, young people do not mind getting married in an extravagant way - in the air with a parachute, on a boat, in an old mansion by candlelight, or in a museum beloved for both, etc., and not within the walls of the Wedding Palace or the registry office. Modern newlywed couple can give up solemn registration marriage, but you cannot order an individual ritual or ask to change the text.

Registration of marriage "in Russian" or for representatives of another nationality, when the presenter or newlyweds can be dressed in national costumes, or "noble wedding", where the ritual is performed by a man in a suit of the appropriate time, as well as many other features make it possible to significantly diversify and fill a modern wedding ritual with great meaning.

The individual ritual of a solemn wedding reflects the fact that modern newlyweds are often quite independent and thinking individuals. It is also important that since the development of the first ritual of marriage registration, many changes have taken place in society (the collapse of the USSR, the adoption of a new constitution, changes in state policy). This requires the registry office employees to search for new ways of organizing the ceremony, a creative approach to fulfilling their professional duties.

In particular, the successful introduction of a new ritual, which should be based on the organic combination of elements dictated by the requirements of life, and traditional legal and moral foundations, can be facilitated by changes in the way the registry offices work, including the time and days of marriage, the introduction of modern forms documents on state registration of acts of civil status, stylized decoration of the halls and the wedding palaces themselves, stylized as Russian palaces, etc.

In addition, the wedding ceremony itself can "come to life" and become interesting in a new way for the newlyweds if it is held on the territory of the "Wedding Park", "Wedding Glade", or next to the territory of the temple, where the newlyweds will be able to drop in after registering a marriage or sacrament rejection. There can be a cheerful wedding train, a pond of lovers, a place for collusion and "arm-wrestling", a farewell to beauty, a bachelor party, riding a troika or other elements of a wedding ceremony.

The church / religious rite of marriage should be considered in the context of general socio-cultural processes characteristic of modern Russia, associated with the culture of the family and its spiritual development, the influence of fashion trends and the formation of new stereotypes of prestige or legitimacy of marriage, which do not always correspond to the deep moral meaning that Orthodoxy imposes to this ceremony.

The wedding ceremony of each separate period had its own characteristics, which were of great importance and deep meaning for the bride and groom, for the whole society (who is the first to stand on the carpet in the church or break off a piece of loaf, take the bride in his arms and bring it into the house, crossing the threshold and much, much more). The people today believe in omens and superstitions, adhere to certain rituals, just as our ancestors believed that this would help a young family to live happily, richly and well.

Hegel correctly noted that "the bond between two persons of different sex, called marriage, is not just a natural, animal union and not just a civil contract, but above all a moral union that arises on the basis of mutual love and trust and turns spouses into one person."

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